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ANCIENT NEPAL

ANCIENT NEPAI

FIRMA K. L. MUKHOPADHYAY
CALCUTTA * 1960.

1st Edition, 1960

D. R. Regmi, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Published by

K. L. MUKHOPADHYAY,
6|1A, Barichharam Akrur Lane,
Calcutta 12, India.

Price : Rs. 15.00

Printed by

R. Chatterjee, at the Binani Printers Private Ltd.,
38, Strand Road, Calcutta- 1.

V/ o ific* nicnionj of

^l^arlincj

)V al (/ani.

)]Ltf Icite /r/

A-

Jalasayana Vishnu ( 7th Century A. D. )

CONTENTS

List of Abbreviations

Bibliography

Map

Foreword

preface to the First Edition
Preface to the Second Edition

Page

Chapter 1 : iniroductory

Ch\PI ER ll : GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON SOME

ASPECTS OF NEPALESE LIFE AND CULTURE

The Antiquity of the Ncwars of Kathmandu

Kiratas in Ancient History

. .

Their first entry into the Nepal Valley

The Kiratas and the Newars

First Settlement in the Valley

Why they were called Newars

The Newars and the Lichhavis

The Newars of Kathmandu

Origin

Religion

Newari Festivals

Customs and Manners

Caste System

Occupation, Language and Cultural Achievements

Relation with India

• « . •

Art and Architecture in Nepal

The Stupas

Swayambhunath and Bauddha

The Temples

The Nepal Style

Sculpture

Painting

Gift to Asia

Modern Art

• • • .

ANCIENT NEPAL

viii

Page

EARLY NEPAL

Sources

The Dawn

The Kirata Dynasty

The Prc-Kirata Period

The Kirata Rulers

The Lichhavi Dynasty . .

The So-called Lichhavi Character of Nepal Constitution
Genealogy & Chronology

60
62
65
74

Chapter III : early lichhavi rulers 81

Inscriptions . . . . . . . . 81

The Date of Manadeva . . . . . . 85

The Era of the Earlier Inscriptions . . . . . . 92

The Epoch Year f:f the First Series of Inscriptions . . 94

Facts of History as Cited by Manadeva's Changu Inscription . . 104

Chronology Recitified .. .. .. 112

Manadeva's Successors . . . . . . 113

The Ahir Guptas . . . . . . . . 116

Religion in Early Nepal . . . . 118

Chapter IV : amsuvarman and his

GUPTA SUCCESSORS #. . 121

The Tibetan Era of 595 A.D. . . . . . . 125

The Epoch of the Era . . . . . . . . 127

The Epoch year of the Era . . . . . . 131

Amsuvarman's Documents . . . . . . 131

The Thakuris . . . . . . . . 137

Amsuvarman’s Status . . . . . . 138

Amsuvarman's Achievements . . . . . . 141

Extent of the Kingdom . . . . , . 143

His Character and Administrative Capacity . . . * 145

Attitude Towards Religious Sects . . . . ♦ . 145

Jisnugupta & Visnugupta . . . * . . 147

His Inscriptions and Coins . . . . . . 148

More about Amsuvarman & Jisnugupta . . . . 153

The Bhrikuti Story . . . . * . . . . 155

CONTENTS

Page

Chapter V 158

Lichhavi Restoration .. .. .. .. 158

Narendradeva . . . . . . . 158

The Double Rule . . . . . . . . 161

The Year 705 A. D. .. .. .. 161

Inscriptions of Sivadeva II and Jayadeva 11 . . . . 164

Nepal Defeats Kashmir .. .. .. 168

^as Aramudi a Magar Chief ? . . . . . . 170

Lichhavis after Jayadeva II . . . . . . 172

Chapter VI : political and economic

CONDITION OF ANCIENT NEPAL

The Account of the T'ang History .. .. .. 175

Pagoda Style . . . . . . . . 179

Cultural Mission to Tibet . . . . . . 180

The Route to Tibet . . . . . . . . 181

Politics . . . . . . . . . . 182

The Government .. .. .. .. 183

Agrahara . . . . . . . . 184

Economic Policy . . . . . . . . 185

Taxes . . . . . . . . . . 186

Land Measurement . . . , . , . . 190

Land Tenure* .. .. .. .. 190

Kotta and Dranga . . . . . . . . 191

Forced Labour . . . . . . . . 191

General Picture . . . . . . . . 192

Trade and Industry . . . . . . . . 194

Currency . . . . . . . . . . 194

Appendix : I

Managriha Bhadra .. .. .. 196

Appendix ; 11

Caste in Ancient Nepal . . . . . . 199

Appendix : ITT

On the Lichhavi Origin of the Rulers . . . . 200

Appendix : IV

Asoka & Nepal . . . . . . . . 205

Index . . . . . . . . . . 207

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ABORT

Bendall, History

BGL

Bendall, Journey
BSOAS

CBMC

CPMDN

CSBM

eSMASB

CSPMIO

CIM

CAl

eSMBM
Darb. Lib. Cat.

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute.

C. Bendall, A History of Nepal and
surrounding kiniidoms ( 1000-1600) ,
in JASB,LXXir (1903), pp. 1-32;
reprinted as Historical Introduction
at the beginning of CPMDN, J,
Bhagwan Lai Indraji and G. Buliler,
Inscriptions from Nepal (lA, ix,
1880, 163 fT). Bombay, 1885. ^

C. Bendall, A journey to Nepal and
Northern India, Cambridge 1886.
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and
African Studies, XX (1957); Furer-
Haimendorf, the Inter-relations of
caste and ethnic groups in Nepal.

C. Bendall, Catalogue of the Buddhist
Sanskrit manuscripts in the University
Library, Cambridge, 1883.

H. P. Shastri, Catalogue of palm-leaf
and selected paper manuscripts belong-
ing to the Darbar Library. Nepal, 2
Vols., Calcutta 1905 and 1916.

C. Bendall, Catalogue of Sanskrit
Manuscripts in the British Museum,
London 1902.

H. P. Shastri (et alii), A descriptive
catalogue of the Sanskrit manuscripts
in the Government collection of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I ff.
Calcutta 1917 If. (the latest volumes
out are XIV of 1955 and XI of
1957).

A. B. Keith, Catalogue of the Sans-
krit and Prakrit manuscripts in the
Library of the India Onicc, Vol. II,
Oxford 1935.

V. Smith, Catalogue of Coins in the
Indian Museum.

Cambridge History of (.Ancient)
India, Vol. I.

C. Bendall, Catalogue of Sanskrit
manuscripts in the British Museum,
London 1902.

A Catalogue of manuscripts in Darbar
Librarv, Kathmandu.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Epigraphia Indica.

Gnoli

. . R. Gnoli, Nepalese inscriptions in
Gupta characters (Serie Orientale
Roma, X, 2), Rome 1956.

GI(CII)

Corpus Inscriplionum Indicarum, III
London 18S8, edited by J. F. Fleet
(Gupta Inscriptions) .

THO

Indian Historical Quarterly.

Indian Antiquary.

italitini Missionari, etc.

I Missionari Italiani ncl Tibet e nel
Nepal, 7 parts, edited by L. Petech (in
Italian) Rome, 1953.

J. As.

Journal .Asiatique.

JASB

, . Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal.

JBORS and JBRS

Journal of lh.c Bihar and Orissa
Research Society, afterwards Journal
of the Bihar Research Society.

JIH

Journal of Indian History.

JRAS

Journal c»f the Royal Asiatic vSocicty.

Kirkpatrick

An account of thc-^Kingdoni of Nepal,
London 1811.

KPJ

K. P. Jayaswal.

Levi

Lc Nepal. Etude historique d’un
royaumc hindou, 3 Vols., Paris,

) 905-08.

MMK

Manjusrimulakalpa, edited by Gana-
pati Siistri, Trivandrum Sanskrit
Series.

Mss.

. • Manuscripts.

N.S.

Nepal Samva:.

Rahul Sankritya_\an.

s. s.

Sanskrit Sandesa, a monthly magazine
of antiquity (in Sanskrit).

Tucci

Preliminary Report on two scientific
expenditions in Nepal (ISerie Orientale
Roma, 1956).

V, V” V"’

. . The three parts of the Vamsavali in

the Darbar Library discovered by
BendalK This is otherwise known as
Gopalaraja Vamsavali.

Vamsavali in possession of F. M.
Kaiser.

Vikram wSamvat.

Wright, Daniel

History of Nepal, translated from
Parbatija, Cambridge 1877.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1 .

2 .

4 .

(i.

<).

JO.

11.

12 .

13 .

14 .

15.

IG.

CxTil Bendall

hhagwanlal Imlraji and
Ci. Buhlcr

Sylvain Levi

R. Gnnli

A journey of Liierary and \r(haeologkal
Research in Nepal and Northern India
<lin*ing the av inter of 1884-1885, Camb-
ridge. University Press, 188G.

]n.s( riptions horn Nepal, Bombay, 1885;
Indian Antiquary, 1880, Pp. 1G3 ff.

l.e Ne]>a!. etude hislori(|ue d‘un Royau-
me Ilindou, 3 Vols., Pari.s, 1909.

Nepalese lnserij)tions in Gu})ta diaracters
(.Serie Oiientale Roma, X, 2) Rome,
19.5(i.

San.skrit Sandesli

liihas Prakasa
J. P. llect

Kathmandu, a San.skrit monthly, VS 2010
(1953 .54) .

Volume 1 (1955-50) 2 Parts.

Volume II (1950-57) 2 Pails.

(uif)us Jnseiiptionum Indicarum, HI.
Appendix, iv, the Chronology of the
Early Rulers of Nepal.

l^npublishcd inscriptions traced by the author in Kathmandu and adjoining
areas inside the Valley ol Nepal.

Kirkpatrick An At count of the Kingdom of Nepal,

London, 1811.

Erantis Hamilton .. An AteounI of the Kingdom of Nepal and

of tcriilories annexed to this dominion
by the House of CJorkha, Edinburgh.
1819.

Daniel Wright
Vamsavali \\ V'' and

A’amsavali

Vam.sa^ali
C. Bendall

C. Bendall

History of Nepal translated from Parbati-
ya. Cambridge. 1877.

Discovered by Bendall in the Darbar Lib-
rary, Kathmandu (Gopalaraja Vamsa-
vali) .

In possessbioii of General Kaisar Shura-
slicr.

Ill the possession of the author.

A History of Nepal and surrounding
kiugdums (lOOO-KiOO) in J \.SB, LXXIl
(1993), Pp. 1—32. reprinted as Histori-
cal Introduction at llie beginning of
CPMDN, 1.

Catalogue of Sanskrit manustripts in the
British Museum.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

xiii

17. C. Bctulall Claialotijuc oi Palni-lraf and sclcrled paper

inamisc ripis helongiiij^ to the Durbar
Librarv, Nepal, 2 Vols., Calcutta, 1905
and 1910.

18. H. P. Shastri .. C.atalogue ol Palm-leaf and seleded paper

luaiuisi ripis belonging to the Durbar
l.ibian, Nepal. 2 \ols.. Calcutta, l‘)05
and 19 It),

19. II, I\ Sliasiri .. A DeMiiptive (Catalogue of the Sanskiit

iiiaiiust ripis in the (ioverninent toilet •
tion ol the Asiatic Sotietv of Bengal,
Vol. 1, n.. Cahuila. 1917 (Vols. XIV of
19r>7 and XI just out) .

1^0. A C.atalogue ol Mamistiipis in Daibar Library, Kathmandu ( unpublishe<l) .
I.M. A Catalogue of Manusciipis in the Ciiruji’s Libtar\. Kathmandu.

R. L. Mitra ,, Sanskrit Buddhist Literature in Nepal pub-

hslu“d bv Asiatic Sotitay of Bengal,
Cahutta. 1882.

23. R:i(lhagovim!.T Ra.sak .. * l'<' <>l Niill' Kastmi Imlia (c.

520—700) London, 1951 (t ha pier i\, Pp.
239-302) .

21. G. ItKti .. Preliminary Rej)ort on two SHentilic ex-

peditions in Ne[)al (Seiie Oricntalc
Roma, \I) Rome, 1950.

25. L, Pelcth Medieval History of Nepal (('. 750-1180),

Rome, 1958.

20. Percival Landon .. Ntipal, 2 X'olumes. 1928 (Constable,

London) .

27. 11. C. R*ay .. The Dvnasiic Histon of Northern India

2 Volumes.

28. Italiani Missionaii nel Tibet ncl Nejial, edited by IVieth, Rt)nie 1952, in two
Volumes, 7 Parts.

29. Chronology and History' of Nepal 600 B.C:. to 800 A.D. in JBOR.S, XXII
(September, 1936), Pp. 157-261.

30. I-Tsing, A Record of Bndtlhist Religion as practised in India and tiic

Malay Archipelago (\.D. 671-695) translated by J. "1 akakusu, Oxioid. 1896.

31. Taranath .. History of Buddliism in India, Tibetan

text, edited by A. Schiefner, St. Peters-
burg, 1869.

32. L. A. Waddell .. The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamaism,

I>ondon, 1895.

33. Watters .. Yuan Chvvang’s lYavels in India, 2 Vols.,

London, 1%1 and 1905.

31. G. Tucci

Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 3 Vols., Rome,
1949.

XIV

ANCJKN'l NEPAL

35. H. A. Oldfield .. Sketches from Nipal, 2 Vols., London,

1880.

3(i. E. 11. Walsh .. 1 he Coinage of Nepal in JRAS, 1908.

37. \r< haeological Survey ol India Reports, WVl, Pt. I, 1001 (pAeavalions in
Ka[jiivastu) .

38. Aryninanjnsrimulakalpa. edited by (ianapaii .Sastri, Trivandrum Sanskrit

Series.

39. Indian Historical (Juaitcrly, 1\ (193.3> \Sonie Points Regatding tlic Origin
ol the Lichliavis of Vaisali’ Pp. 429-40.

40. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. xxii, Pt. 2 (June,
P.l.SO) , Invasion of Xejial hy Sultan Samsuddin.

41. Journal of the .\siatie Society of Bengal :

(a) K. P. C]iatlopadhya\a, An Essay on the History of ilic Newari Culture,
Vol. 19 (No. 10, l’923).

(Jj) S. K. Chatterji, Kirata Janakriti, V^ol. \VI (1 hire! Seiies, 19.50).

(e) Brian Hodgson, ‘Account of a visit to the Ruins of Simroun, once the
<a]>ital of Mithila, \5 jI. 183.5.

42. Sadhanamala, edited by B. T. Bhatiachar^a, Baroda.

43. The Indian Br^hlhist Iconography by B. T. Bhattaeharya, Calcutta, 1957.

44. E. Bretsclineider, Medieval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources, London
(Pp. 222-23).

FOREWORD

The present work is the first attempt of its kind to produce a
connected political and economic history of Nepal from the earliest
rime to 1846 A.D.

It is now complete in three volumes :

(1) the first takes up Nepal's history in general from the earliest
time to the end of the Lichhavi period,

(2) The second recounting events from the Nepal era of 879-80
A.D. to 1768 A.D. has two parts. Part I deals mainly with the
early medieval history of Nepal and of the Karnali basin upto
1480 A.D. and Part 11 covers the period following till the ex-
pansive phase of the Gorkhas, thus dealing in continuation of
the narrative with the later medieval history of the Nepal valley
and of the territories in east central and wq^st central Hima-
layas known as the Baisi and Chaubisi.

(3) The third carries the main theme of the history of Nepal with
llie formation of the new state of Nepal under Prithvinarayan
Shah down to 1846 A.D., the year when the Rana family se-
cured de facto powers overshadowing the Shah dynasty.

The titles selected for the volumes are, (i) Ancient Nepal, (ii)
Medieval History of the Nepal Valley and (iii) Rise and Growth of
Nepal as a Great Power in the Eigliteenth Century.

As far as4:he treatment of historical account goes all books appearing
so far have the characteristics of chronological surveys, suffering also
widely from inaccuracies of dates and facts. The only exception to
this are the works of Sylvain Levi and L. Petech.

We have referred to these works and dealt at length with them at
appropriate places while evaluating source materials for the history of
the periods concerned. As we shall see it is only Kirkpatrick and
Hamilton who also provide us abundant data of economic and
commercial interest. One more book, Landon’s ‘Nepal', is a sort of
encyclopaedic literature with very little of historical data, but possess-
ing at the same time valuable information on Nepal’s archaeology
and coinage.

Levi’s is a superb treatise on the history and culture of Nepal.
Similarly Bendall’s contribution has got to be acknowledged because
he presented through the same a correct genealogical order of the
royal dynasties of the middle ages with the help of the reliable data

AN( IK\ I NKPAL

obtained in the colophons of manuscripts available to him.

Nobody can grudge these scholars the gratitude which we owe to
them. But their works also suffered from fundamental errors of facts
which have been corrected in the light of newly discovered inscriptions.
Even in regard to the main account of events, while Bendall’s is just
a chronology, Levi introduced only vaguely the subject of medieval
history skipping over many important details of names and incidents.
This is best seen from the fact that what has occupied a whole volume
by itself in the present work does not go to cover even a space of
full twenty pages in Levi’s writings. Obviously at the time Levi
wrote his book, the medieval history of Nepal was no better than a
summary of the account provided in the chronicles.

Not so, however, is Petech. His history of medieval Nepal (c. 750-
1480) is definitely a recognisable improvement on the treatment of
the subject so far effected. He made use of the many documents
newly deposited in several libraries of Kathmandu, which were not
available to scholars ten or twenty years earlier. To his credit it must
be said that he has corrected the many errors which have appeared in
Levi and Bendall. His history presents by far the most reliable chrono-
logy of the period between c. 879-80 A.D. and 1480 A.D.

While my thesis was being finally typed I saw Petech’s book and 1
did not hesitate to review the portion of my writing, which has lieen
covered by his treatise hut except in a few cases I did not mark any-
thing that had not already come to my notice. I have acknowledged
the assistance I obtained from his book wherever necessary by
quoting him as my source.

Although 1 have in some places criticised Petech and tried to
correct him in regard to some vague and hurried generalisations, his
conclusions about the regnal data 1 have accepted in their main
features. Wherever 1 have found it necessary to introduce new facts
as available to me, that also I have done correcting his conclusions in
that light.

But the work of Petech covers only a period of about six hundred
years out of a long span of time since the very early age down to
1846 A.D., which is tlie subject matter of the present dissertation.
There was already a need to rewrite the ancient history in the light of
newly discovered additional documents and interpretations that con-
currently arose out of these. Besides this, the latter part of the
medieval history from 1480 onwards was not touched by any work so
far undertaken. The account of the Baisi and Chaubisi and of the
rise of Gorkha state assimilating in the eighteenth century all that is

FORKWORO

now known as Nepal, came as a sequel to medieval histor>' but this
subject also was not up to dale taken up for research and study. No
original work has yet come to view on the history of Nepal of the
period since the 15th century to 1846 A.D.

The first of the three volumes is a revised edition of my earlier work
on the ancient history of Nepal. In a way the Part I of the Second
Volume should appear as a supplement to what Petech wrote on earlv
medieval history. But Part II of the second volume and the third
volume, the two of them, are absolutely original contributions made by
the author to the knowledge of the subject for the periods they deal with.
1 have also attempted to add matters of economic significance to the
political framework of history. A thorough study needed to this end
was not possible due to paucity of sources; but the gleanings from a few
inscriptions and reliable chronicles as well as from foreign documents
have enabled me to form some ideas about the general economic picture
of the age dealt with in the history, which 1 have incorporated. All this
may, however, be understood as a spadework, which in future will yield
to a mature consideration as more and more data on the subject will
unfold to our views.

The present work is a result of a strenuous research conducted dur-
ing the last several years. The materials used in preparing the thesis
are mostly inscriptions, numismatics, chronicles and old correspond-
ence. A great many of them are yet unpublished. Some of these were
originally traced by me and these as sources are brought to light
for the first time in this work. Apart from the newly discovered
documents, ( have also put forward new interpretations of old materials.
All the source materials have been examined in their right perspective
each at the beginning of the volume with which they are associated.

I do not know how far the thesis is free from the usual shortcomings
of a work started in the background of inadequate source materials.
It is true that much in the first and second volumes is devoted to the
problem of settling chronology and dynastic order as they stood before.
Even in the portion of the medieval history, which has been claimed
as original, the regnal data and chronological framework had had to
be set right in the light of reliable materials come to hand at the
moment. This was very essential as no political or economic history
could be written without first settling the issue of genealogy and
dynastic framework. Although this may not be the final shape of
the chronology, yet if we say that the latest position as brought out
in this work is tending to approach finality, it will not be very wrong.
However, it is only the third volume where we come to no amfusion

ANCILNT NKPAI.

of dates, and the events and personalities are well ascertained.

In the first volume I have suggested new dates for the epoch year
of the two sets of inscriptions of the ancient period. I have also
recast the genealogy of the Lichhavi dynasty, and this has been verified
by the data of the related inscriptions. We have in similar fashion
examined and corrected various suggestions about the position of the
Abhir or Ahir Guptas. In the second volume, we have been able to
say some new things about Jayasthitimalla and his successors. For the
history that follows these rulers, we have entirely an original account
based on new and original data of inscriptions, coinage and foreign
documents. This volume also contains original observations on certain
other aspects of medieval life and culture of Nepal, more particularly
its arts, literature and caste and religion. We have introduced these
elements into the history with a view to enable the reader to understand
the background of social life in Nepal in that period. In the second
volume the early history of the Karnali basin is incorporated and this
is what the reader will not find in books on Nepal published so far.
The historicity of this place was brought to light just recently. We
have in addition more than a hundred pages of narratives of diplomatic
and commercial relations and transactions between Nepal and the
East India Company. Here our history appears mainly economic. A
perusal of the political history from 1500 to 1846 A.D. as it appears
in volumes II and 111 will at the same time present details of new
facts and figures hitherto not ava^able to the readers.

More than, these, the number of economic data introduced in the
dissertation in a diffused form like this may not provide a sufficient
ground to make it substantiate fully what the title should argue and
connote but if at all the same goes to initiate a line of approach on
the subject in order to help formulate new ideas and impressions about
how economic life was shaped in the past in different phases of its
history the search will not be in vain. It is hoped that additional
information of the economic factors of the ages, here forming the
burden of the main portion of the last chapter in each of the three
volumes, will contribute to the knowledge of the subject in question^
even if it be elementary and much too inadequate.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

A draft manuscript of the ‘Ancient History of Nepal’ was prepared
in early 1942 after a three-year research into varied materials, most of
them absolutely original. The book, however, could not be published
at the time, as subsequently it fell into the hands of the Indian
C.I.D., when the author himself was arrested and detained for extradi-
tion to Nepal. Even after the release of the author the publication had
been ordained to be delayed by numerous other factors, particularly the
illness of the author and later on, his preoccupation with the political
movement in Nepal. Also, the portions of the manuscript on the latter
period of Ancient Nepal was lost from the custody of the police, which
necessitated rewriting and partly in its turn contributed to complicate
the question of publication.

The author is sorry that the book is appearing after inordinate
delay, but he is glad that this period of forced withdrawal of the publica-
tion provided him sufficient time to check up again and again the
materials he had used, seek new sources and verify and supplement
them and adopt changes in the light of further research. And the book
which has emerged in that course has certainly advanced both in the
finis and standard because it comes after making up the deficiencies of
the original manuscript.

But 1 cfo not claim to have completed the research into the sub-
ject matter. There is a vast oceanic material on the history of Nepal.
Much of it is still in dark. All the works thus far incorporated form
a very tiny portion of the entire mass of undiscovered materials, it
will not be a surprise if many of the conclusions reached in my work
lose ground as new sources of the history of Nepal gradually unfold
themselves. I draw the attention of the scholars all the world over to
this common task of collecting materials for our history and ot the
Nepalese scholars in particular to devote themselves solely to the field
of research into the past of their country. This is a task which has
got to be taken up very seriously at the earliest moment.

The readers’ attention is also invited to the incorporation into this
volume of another chapter of Nepalese history written by the author.
This has appeared with the title ‘Medieval History of Nepal’ and covers
a period of history from 880 to 1650.

ANcn-.M M:iv\r

Lastly, let me extend my cordial thanks to all those who have
cooperated in my work and also request the men of learning interested
on this subject to help me by their valuable suggestions which can be
incorporated in the next edition.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

The second edition of the book was long overdue. This was not
only because the copies of the first print had been sold out, but also
because materials newly discovered had necessitated a revision of certain
conclusions adopted earlier. The author, however, was so much pre-
occupied with political activities that he hardly got time enough to
devote to the task that came to his hand, with the result that the revision
and consequent publication of the volume were delayed.

* Under revision the previous volume had been much enlarged to
assume double its original size. Consequently in the second edition
it was thought desirable to divide the work into two separate volumes
with different titles. The titles selected are variously ‘Ancient Nepal’
for the first volume and ‘Medieval History of Nepal’ for the second
volume.

As two more volumes follow this publication, the fc^ur together shall
constitute a series on Nepalese History designated ‘Political and Eco-
nomic History of Nepal from the Ancient Times to 1846 A.D.'.

The first edition was prepared while the author was living in exile out
of Nepal. There he had to work under severe limitations. Source
materials were limited. Inside Nepal the Rana rulers had almost a dis-
like for history writing and frowned on such activities. Since S. Levi
made a search of inscriptions in 1900 or so, no attempt was made to
discover original documents because of this attitude of our rulers. While
I wrote the first edition of Ancient Nepal, the materials I used were
mostly the same that had been traced by Bhagvvanlal Indraji and Levi.
Any one interested in research knew that more inscriptions lay scattered,
and some were buried underground, and it required new efforts to seek
them out. But until 1951 the undertaking of such a venture could not
be entertained.

In early 1951 the Rana regime was overthrown, and consequently
research activities could be undertaken without fear of victimisation.
Although the number is yet small, we have both foreigners and nationals
of Nepal working in the field. Eight years after that date till now
the volume of work put up is certainly something to be envied.

A sizeable bulk of new data is now available for the historians. The
author feels satisfied that he himself did the job of collecting his mate-
rials in so far as these were availed of from original sites in the valley
of Nepal and adjoining regions. For the rest I am grateful to those

ANCJLN] NKP\L

who have made things available to me in published or unpublished
forms.

One special feature of the present edition is that 1 have added a new
chapter to deal with economic problems to each of the volumes. In
this way, the narration has also worn the character of economic history
for the period concerned.

Broadly speaking, the most fundamental changes made in the first
volume are in regard to the conclusions earlier reached about the origin
and epoch year of the eras followed in the inscriptions of both the series.
These have been placed at dates 68-78 A.D. and 568 A.D. respectively.
We have determined these dates after thoroughly reviewing and exa-
mining the arguments for alternate dales suggested in this connection.

I wo additional topics are more elaborately dealt with here than in the
first edition. These arc, (a) the regency of Jisnugupta and his son and
(b) the restoration regime of Narendradeva and his successors. The
history of ancient Nepal as delineated in the present volume carries
the narrative of the events up to the eve of the Nepal era.

in the appendtccs the reader will find statements on castes, religion,
the three chanceries and origin of the Lichhavi dynasty as they were
f(umd in ancient Nepal in the light of the data of the inscriptions.

The work ha'- altogether six chapters and describes in different suc-
cessive phases the political history of the country from the earliest time
to the end of the Lichhavi period. The paleographic and archaeologi-
cal data belonging to various reigns have been systematically described
witli reference to the evidence available through these records.

For the Second Volume, the title 'Medieval History qf Nepal’ has
been adopted, but here we have again two divisions of the work, i.e.
Part 1. Early Medieval History of Nepal and Part II. Medieval
History of the Nepal Valley and of the Territories of the Baisi and
Chaubisi.

In the first edition our account closed with the event of Pratapnialia's
father's reign (1632 A.D.). But this was an abrupt closing and any
division of the periods coming in its wake will not be scientific. The
present edition of ‘Early Medieval Nepal' has covered the period of
history between the founding of the Nepal era and the rise of Jayasthiti-
malla after the Muslim invasion. Part 11 of this volume with the
title ‘Medieval History of the Nepal Valley and of the Territories of the
Baisi and Chaubisi’ narrates the events leading to the rise and establish-
ment of the three kingdoms in the valley of Nepal proper and of other
principalities in areas known today as West and East Nepal.

The rise of the Baisi and Chaubisi dates from the early 14th Century

i»Ri:i ac:e to i he sec:om) edition

A.D. At about this time the Chronicle (Gopala Vamsavali) introduces
into the main history events of Khasia and Magar invasions upon the
valley of Nepal. For obvious reasons we can as well accept the facts
of Rajput dynasties to have been firmly settled in parts of the Sub-Hima-
layas ranges in the west of the Nepal Valley at least a hundred years
prior to the above date. In Karnali basin there was a flourishing Khasa
Kingdom since early 1 1th Century A.D. We have no evidence to prove
the suzerainty of Nepal rulers over these States. We do not know if
ever the jurisdiction of the Central Kingdom in Nepal proper extended
to the areas occupied by the Khasa Mallas and their neighbours oi the
Gandak basin. Of course, with regard to ancient history no political
cn’tity other than the one existing in the valley of Nepal has been traced
for the entire stretch of the territories between the Sapta Gandaki and
Sapt Kosi and this entity functioned more or less in Nepal proper and
the areas immediately surrounding it in the four directions. Quite pos-
sibly the Nepal rulers in the climax of power ruled over a kingdom as
extensive as the present-day Nepal, though we cannot say if the extent
of territory covered the same areas as they have come to be under its
jurisdiction up to date. Probably the same pattern of boundaries con-
tinued to exist in early medieval age so that excluding the region of the
Baisi, farther west, the history of Nepal proper of the time could very
well pass as the history of Nepal with its traditional frontier lines. But
the same could not hold ground in regard to the later medieval period.
The Sapta Gandaki pradesli had by this time become a scene of new
activity and potentially rival political states had emerged to the detriment
of the Power, in the Nepal Valley. Now in this context the status of
the usually functioning state of Nepal has greatly changed. This was
the reason we no longer called the second part of our volume as the
history of Nepal. Instead we specified the Nepal Valley proper to make
it look distinct from the Chaubisi region in our account of the late
medieval age.

It will appear later that from 1755 onwards the history of the entire
central Himalayan region is in a way the history of Gorkha's ruling dy-
nasty which had acquired immense resources and power to become
sovereign in a new political unit wnth Nepal as capital. Now all these
Baisi, Chaubisi and Nepal Valley states lose their iniportanee as separate
entities as well as positions of that nature. The development is eventful.
In the nature of things the account has had to be incorporated in a sepa-
rate volume, which is the third volume of our series. The narrative in
the second volume covers events only up to the rise of Prithvinarayan,
the Gorkha ruler.

CHAPTER I

Introductory

The political boundary of Nepal at the present moment extends
to lines very much farther than what they used to be in the ancient
times. In ancient times by the word, Nepal, only the Valley of
Kathmandu was meant and the state which came into existence under
the same name could just include areas measuring hardly a hundred
miles on both sides. Again, surrounded on all sides by inaccessible
mountains and forest belts Nepal was like an oasis of civilization and
the wonder of wonders was the thick human habitation in it and the
evolution of an advanced culture accampanying the same.

The valley of Nepal is approached from the south through the
Sub-Himalayan chains of hills after passing two such, the Mahabharata
and the allied ridge, at an interior site some sixty miles north of the
Indo-Gangetic pFain. Although all the ridges could be crossed on
foot, the difficulties of the thoroughfare were not in any way less, and
even at the time when the valley had advanced lo a stage of civilization
its inaccessibility was a factor that could obtain no easy solution. One
of the Buddhist Jatakas gives a picture of the situation saying that
I.ord Buddha discouraged his disciples to undertake a journey across
as the same was full of perils for reasons of wild beasts and tribes
haunting th^ highways.

But the valley has a fertile soil with a fairly suffici^^nt amount of
rainfall and in addition, it is a flat surface of wide dimensions, the only one
of its kind in the entire portion of the central Himalayas. It is washed
by numerous rivulets with sources in the north and, though generally
enjoying cold climate, is sufficiently vegetated. The mid country con-
sists of black soil and alluvium and the earth of the region in its entirety
is such as to make for a very durable and strong tyi>e of bricks. Conse-
quently, stone had been totally out of use for buildings of any kind, and
its place was taken by bricks, just as it was in Huang valley of ancient
China and in some of ancient sites in Northern India. This is perhaps
a novel feature to be found of an ancient community on this side of the
Himalayas.

All these played an important part in determining the demography
of the area. Not only the valley of Kathmandu came to occupy an
important place as a populated area having attracted migration at a very
early age of history, but it was repeatedly subjected to visitation by

IN I RODlId ORY

emigrant hordes, which of course produced its repercussions in shaping
the synthetic culture of the area at every phase of its development.

The immigration has been proportionately of a corresponding
nature drawing its due from all directions. It is, however, possible
that only the most adventurous of the migrants must have penetrated
in the beginning. The outlet of the river Bagmati was probably the
entrance, and to the south goes the credit of allowing the passage for
the earliest settlers. But the earliest settlers were not those who be-
longed to Aryan race. As we shall observe later on in this book the
people first settling down in the valley belonged to the same family as
the Kols and Bhils in the plains of India. To this was added a signi-
ficant number of Dravidians. Thereafter came the Tibeto-Burman
emigrants and the section of them who had expanded in the north-east
of India after being pressed by calamities at home. The process had
been thus : the hilly interior of the Terai could readily absorb the
migrating hordes, when some of them were pushed further west from
Assam hills and again from there they seem to have travelled upwards
to the source of the Bagmati.

Geological formation of the Nepal valley points to a stage of its
existence totally submerged under water. The hillocks interspersing the
valley at places were the only portions not exactly in that condition. The
valley otherwise happened to be the bed of the lake now dried up. This
accounts for the rich fertility of the soil, which nurtures several crops
within twelve months of the year. The Nepalese culture evolved and
advanced mainly through the topography and soil formation thus out-
lined. But fdr the cut provided by the river Bagmati's gorge, Nepal
would also not come under superior cultural influences, which seem to
have worked without much of physical contact. There has been not
a single case of large-scale migration from the western India, the seat
of culture at the time of our history. No doubt, we find a few Indian
families of rulers and their entourage in the scene, which exerted a
very powerful cultural influence but this did not modify in any way
the racial composition of local inhabitants. Probably it was mainly
due to the very meagre blood contact of the early inhabitants of Nepal
with the Aryan stock of the plains, that the principal feature of the
facial expression of the original stock of the Nepalese remains partly
Indo-Mongoloid and partly Dravido-Austroid.

The valley reached an advanced stage of urban culture from a very
long time. Its base was peasant economy like that of any other oriental
culture, and the progress was retarded by social conflicts and by feudal
forces resisting changes in the economy. And it was a prototype of

ANCJEM NEPAL

ancient Indian culture with slight variation which Nepal in that course
brought out. The valley of Nepal was by nature very much favoured.
It was free from very many natural calamities, like floods, drought, etc.,
and though winter was too cold it had a pleasant and working spring
and summer. In the circumstances it could enjoy a surplus of pro-
duction. It was in the nature of the Ganges basin economy that the
development took place. Consequently, a culture of aristocracy was
born; fine art, sculpture, etc. flourished triumphantly. But these bear
the imprint of Indian influence, as from the southern side all cultural
inroads were made when the invaders imposed their own polity and
regime on the primitive Nepalese. It seems that Nepal while assimila-
ting all race influences in its own way yielded to some aspects of Indian
culture to incorporate the same in its broad outline. Also one has to
remember that contact with India was direct and regular as much as it
could he with the facilities ollered by nature. The country was practically
shut in the north for all sorts of contacts till early 7th century A.D.

The cultural tradition of Nepal, however, has its own peculiarities.
Even if it has irideliable impression of the Indian culture, it retained
certain traits of the Indo-Mongolo-id culture intact. This was at a later
dale supplemented by cultural contacts with Tibet to assimilate the very
late cultural developments in the Lamaist country. Thus at a late period
of history the culture of the Nepal valley had come to resemble to a cer-
tain extent partly the Tibetan and partly the Indian cultural tradition of
the early age, though essentially it was the latter which had the largest
influence. Bgt combining the two the Nepalese culture developed its own
features to a certain extent. And let it be understood that by Nepalese
culture we mean the one nourished in the valley of Kathmandu. As
till a very late period of history other tribes do not come into the picture,
we also omit all the peoples except those enumerated above from the
context.

In our delineation of the customs and manners of the Newars of
Kathmandu we have in detail described the main features of this cul-
ture as far as it has survived. We have not been able to give the date for
the lirst settlement in the valley. Archaeological investigation is practically
not done. Nepal's pre-history is. therefore, a matter of a convenient guess.
It is not even known whether the earliest immigrants entered the valley in
a state of pastoral life or whether any of such ancient communities do
really survive to-day. But some customs can be identified with those
of the tribes in the farthest east of India. Possibly when they settled
down in the valley, they were comparatively an advanced community.
They manufactured certain pots of ornamented design by using a wheel

INlROnrCTORY

and worked on copper and bronze. They had also developed a taste
for wood carving and metal works. The black soil obtained in Nepal
might have enabled them to develop a high style of pottery. Their
agricultural instruments were spade of a large size and wooden earth
breaker, but they did not use bullocks for ploughing. The absence of
method of ploughing by bullocks is attributed to the discovery at the
early age that the soil penetrated deeper, and this could be only done
by a spade, and bore fitness for multi-seasonal crops or they might have
continued the hoe culture of the northeast region of India and later on
found that ploughing did not fully serve the purpose. Other artifacts are
not known. Amongst the domesticated animals the buffalo immediately
comes to our notice, and the inhabitants took its milk as well as con-
sumed its flesh. The foodgrains consisted of wheat, rice and maize,
and fowls and ducks formed the birds domiciled by the mankind.

If the chronicles were to be believed, the class coming into being
after a process of separation from the general population saw its light
as soon as the migrating hordes from the Indian plains arrived. Tliese
came with an aristocratic culture with knowledge, instruments and
better skill of warfare and the same even after mixing with the local
populace gradually drifted to form a separate ruling class much pro-
bably with the help of the indigenous aristocracy with whom they mixed
freely and intermarried. The cultural inroad from India seems also
to have been accompanied by political influence, which sometime after
was responsible for the setting of a class in a community hitherto tribal
and free from class domination.

Bullock carts were not in use, nor any other conveyance driven
by beasts of burden is traced out. For transport the inhabitants had
made a peculiar artifact called Khamu still in use by the peasants
consisting of two baskets tied in a swinging fashion bilaterally to a
bamboo pole which rested on the two shoulders of the man carrying
the same. Such a type of a basket-like thing was to be found in Indo-
Chinese region as well. But in the whole of Nepal it obtains in the valley
only. Horses and elephants did not exist during the very earliest phase of
the Nepalese culture. They appeared with the Lichhavis.

Because the Kirata emigrants were the most powerful community,
probably the Kirati culture was the primitive culture of the area. The
advent of the Lichhavis introduced new forms. Horses and elephants
then made first appearance but they would not be acclimatised. It was
said that they appeared along with the Mauryan expedition in India
but no evidence of the practice of riding these animals is forthcoming
in regard to Nepal. Probably because the Lichhavis in the plains used

U ANtJKM \KI»AL

these animals for transport services, they carried their use to NepaL
But this did not seem to be operative till early first century A.D.

For the structure of the building the reader is requested to see
the following article in this volume on art and architecture. One does
not know when they ceased to bury their dead. About the dress it
can be said that it answered to the description of the T'ang history
(vide below). This must be the correct manner of the dressing for
we know the type of a cover as outlined in that text for upper body is
still prevalent in some portions of Nepal, and more specially amongst
the primitive Kiratas and also the Gurungs and Magars. Urban centres
have not been traced for the period back beyond the 4th century A.D.

The Slate of Nepal was originally a tribal republic and possibly ruled
by tribal heads with the help of customary laws. It was, however, a
settled community which wc encounter as far as habitation in the valley
comes to our mind, even the earliest of them seem to have been
stabilised. The very original settlers as soon as they entered the valley
seem to have shaken off their nomadic habits. This was what the
situation of the valley determined. It provided a ground for a settled
agriculture and surplus production for the commercial class of the
urban areas. In that process Nepal’s early civilization came also to
be associated with the republican structure of Vaishali dominated by
a cultured aristocracy without a ruling monarch. The same aristocracy
was destined to become the ruling group when later on monarchy was
introduced.

We are yet ignorant of the superstition and religious beliefs of the
pre-historic Nepalese. From the earliest times the Nepalese imbibed
Saivism and Buddhism. But it is not to be supposed that the Nepalese
cultural tradition had no roots ini the soil of Nepal. Much it imbibed from
the materials as they existed in the valley and also developed along a
course determined by the isolated character of the region, and we find
some original features still persisting to confirm our conclusion. Even
the Buddhist principles of life had come to be adopted much modified
by influences of the local environment. As common to all the people
of Neolithic cultures, the Nepalese primitive also built his beliefs on
magical rites performed to enhance and maintain the fertility of the
soif and protection of the crops from the ravages of nature over which
he had no control. All elements of nature were regarded as spirits
beneficent or working for evils and it was thought that they affected
man's destiny and sacrifices including those of human beings were
offered to propitiate them. It seems that what the legends convey is
more or less correct and this cannot be incorrect because the practice

IN 1 RC)I)i:c:i()RY

we refer to i.e., the sacrifice of human beings, continued as late as the
beginning of the present century in some shrines inside the Nepal
valley. The Nepalese also believed in an elaborate ritualism accom-
panying the funeral of the dead to ward off the possibility of its taking
demoniac existence likely to haunt the area and it was also seen that
death took place inside the house premises. Female deities were re-
garded more important than the male ones, and this is also a pccualiarity
of the Neolithic Nepalese culture as also of the same culture in Bengal,

We know nothing about the primitive art, the early mode of depict-
ing images have not come to light. As for the writing of the period, the
earliest script known happens to be Kharosthi (Asoka Pillar Inscrip-
tion) but this is not available for the Nepal valley. How far the
script affected the course of cultural development cannot be exactly
said. Probably writing began along with the advent of the Aryan
aristocratic stock, may be in the 4th century A.D., from India and
all literary and cultural activity was confined to these people. That
is why the local dialect, Newari, would not come up to the level of a
language of a literature. This sUite is also mainly responsible for the
total absence of records delineating cultural tradition of the age.

This is all for an introduction of the history of ancient and
medieval Nepal. We have certainly introduced a pre-historic material
to the general narrative of events of the historical period but this was
very essential as without this particular item the beginning of the history
of Nepal would not be clearly presented. The cultural tradition of
Nepal as it existed at the time has thus been aptly describfd. For the
development of the periods following Nepal’s pre-history the reader
is referred to the chapters forming the main portion of the book.

CHAPTER II

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON SOME ASPECTS
OF NEPALESE LIFE AND CULTURE

The Antiquity of the Newars of Kathmandu

The prevailing idea of the time in regard to the origin and
antiquity of this people has been to consider them as only a late comer
in the arena of the Valley of Kathmandu, despite the fundamental
traits in ethnic and cultural sphere which they exhibit to contravene
such a conception. The purpose of the present discourse is to show
that the Newars existed as early as the sixth century B.C. and that they
belonged to the confederacy of the Vrijji clans.

Before we take up the subject matter of the article, let it be made
clear that the term Newar does not connote any particular racial type
at the moment. It is purely a geographical concept. From the time
this came to be adopted in general use, the Newar meant any one who
lived in the valley irrespective of his racial origin and features. It is
true that in the most ancient days the Newar conveyed the sense of an
ethnic group, but then afterwards this group was subjected to multiple
racial adjustments having adopted different types of emigrants, from
Austroids to Dravidians and then to Mongols and to Aryans. It will be
a mistake to,call the Newars a tribal community. Nor, it will be correct
to distinguish the identity of the primitive settlers from the mass of the
submerged whole. Our comparison of the type in question with the
race of Kiratas hereafter dealt with is valid to the extent of its relation
with a section in its hoary antiquity.

It is possible that at the very earliest time the Kathmandu valley
was the settlement of the people closely resembling the Austro-
Mediterranean, and these got mixed up with the Mongolian emigrants
from the south-east at the next stage. No one can say with cer-
tainty if the Dravidas had made their appearance in this area. But the
probability of such an entry cannot be discounted, and in its antiquity
the Newar community was a mixture of these three peoples before it
came in contact with the Aryan invaders.

Kiratas in Ancient History

As the Kiratas were associated with the very dawn of Nepalese
history it cannot be denied that they were much closely mixed up with

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

the evolution of the Newer community. The treatment of the Kiratas
in their historial role should, therefore, be our, first concern. We have
accordingly started with this subject.

The following passages from Sylvain Levi will prove enlightening
for our puipose :

“The Kiratas are from a long date a name familiar to India. A
Vedic formula (Vajasaneyi Samhita, XXX, 16) connected to the
distant memories of the human sacrifice, despatches 'The Kirata
back to his caves’. The mountain is in fact his domain; it is there
that he continues to live and dominate during the epic period; Bhima
meets the Kiratas in leaving the Videha on his victorious march towards
the Eastern regions (Mahabharata 11, 1089); Nakula also finds
them on his track when he conquered the west (11,1199); Arjuna
whilst he was ascending the Himalayas towards the north, is stopped
and defied by a Kirata or rather by Siva under the features of a Kirata
(111, Odhy, 38-41); it is the famous episode which Bharavi has
taken up and treated with all the resources of smarj^ poetry in the
Kiratarjuniya classics, often the Kiratas figure in the lists of the
Mahabharata in company with foreign tribes which border the frontiers
of India, Yavanas, Yaksas, Pahlavas, etc;’^ it is especially to the Cinas
that they are associated; Kiratas and Cinas fraternise under the banners
of the glorious Bhagadatta, Emperor of the Pragjoutisa (Kamarupa);
they form the contingent of the Yellows. The Cinas and Kiratas,
soldiers seemed to be of gold; their troops had the appearance of a
forest of Kamikaras (with yellow flowers)’ (VI, 584). In the Rama-
yana (IV, 40^ 26, Bombay) tribes are not organized as a nation and
formed several kingdoms; Bhima subjugates the seven kings of the
Kiratas (11,1089); the figure is in accordance with the usual nomen-
clature of the ‘Seven Gandakis’ and the ‘Seven Kosis’ in the Nepalese
Himalayas. Several of these kings are particularly designated; Subahu
(111, 10863), who commands to the Kiratas and Tanganas and who
receives as a friend the wandering Pandavas (111, 12351); Pulinda
(11, 119), Sumanas (11, 120). The customs of the Kiratas are
simple; they live on fruits and roots, dress in the skin of animals (11,
1865), raise their hair in a pointed knot; they are nevertheless amiable
looking (Ramay, IV, 40, 26) their knife, like the Nepalese Khukri
is a dreadful weapon (M. Bh. 11, 1865). Such are at least, the
Kirata clans which live in the most remote part of the Himalaya to-
wards the mountain where the sun rises in the Karusa which is at the
extremity of the Ocean and in the region of the Lauhitya

^ B. M. Bariia. Asoka and His Inscriptions, P. 100-01.

ANCIKM NEPAL

or Brahmaputra.

“Other Kiratas who live with the populations of the littoral (lU
1002) and who dwell in islands arc ferocious, they feed themselves on
raw fish, move about in water; they are called tigermen (Ramay, IV,
40, 26). This portrait is perfectly applicable to that of the Periplus
(62).^ Tribes dwelling to the North of the Dosa rene, near the mouths
of the Ganges, 'These kind of men have their noses flattened on the
visage; they are barbarous.’ Their immediate neighbours, the Head
of Horses and the long heads, arc even understood to be cannibals.
Ptolemee places the country of the Kiratas at the mouths of Ganges'^
to the East of the most important mouth (VI 1, 2, 2); it is from them
that one can obtain the best quality of malabathron.’ But they are
only intermediaries, we know by the Periplus (65 ) that the malabathron
comes from the country of the (Cina) ; they sell them to those who are a
race of small statured men with large faces, soft characters and al-
together similar to animals; these are evidently identical to the one which
Ptolemee (VII^ 2. 15) almost exactly described in the same terms,
borrowed from a common source and which he places exactly on the
limits of the (VII, 2, 16) commerce, thus connected the Kiratas and
the Cinas. In epopee, tlie Kiratas bring most varied objects as gifts
to the joyous accession of Yudhisthira in loads of sandal wood and
agar wood and odoriferous black wcx)d (Kaliyaka, eagle wood),
skins of animals, precious stones, gold, a heap of perfumes, a myriad of
Kirata girls as slaves and still other charming presents, animals,
foreign birds and splendid gold, drawn out from the mountains (11,
1866, 1869). In his famous list of 64 writings the •Lalita-Vistara
aitibutes a special writing to the Kiratas.

“In fact the Kiratas attribute to their hero Srijanga, the invention
of a special writing. (Sarat Chandra Das mentioned in Vansittart,
P. 195). The parallel lists in the Chinese versions are worthy of men-
tion, the most ancient (P’ou-Yeo king, Translated in 308) replaces
the name of the Kiratas by 'Yi-ti-Sai’, expression which means from
a Chinese }X)int of view the ‘barbarians bordering on the North’ it is
an exact equivalent by transposition. The second (Fo-pen-Hing-tri-king
translated in 587) transcribes Ki-lo-to and adds as a floss ‘the naked
men.’ The third (Fang-Koang ta tchoang Yen king translated in 683)
simply gives the transcription Ki-lo-to”.

- The Periplus of the Erylhraen sea: Fravels and Trade in the Indian Ocean
hy a Merthani of the First ClenUiry, London (Longmans’ Green & Co., 1912) »
1 ranslated bv H. Willfred vStholL

‘‘ Airrhadoi refers to at wide area (MtCrindle's Ancient India as described by
Ptolemy, edited by S, N. Majumdar Sasiri. Pp. 191*94) .

GENKRAL OBSKRVAIIONS

(See the final note of Levi s article; the country of Kharostra and
the Kharostri writing in the Bulletin Ec. Fr. Extr-Or., 1904).

Not alone these, there are other references to Kiratas in historical
treatises, and in relation to ancient peoples.^ Thus in certain inscrip-
tions of Nagarjunakonda of Ichhaku times, we have amongst others
Kiratas (Chilata) visitors come (El XX, 22) to attend the religious dis-
courses of the arhats. One of the stone railings at Sanchi has the
expression ‘Chiratiya bhicchunodanam’ meaning Kirata monks (Lekha-
malanukramani, Part I, No. 210, P. 99 by R. D. Banerji).

In the history of Kashmir the Kiratas figure as one of the low
caste groups along with ‘Kaivartas and Chandalas\ Kalhana speaks
of ’the Kiratas living in forests in a primitive stage (Rajatarangini,
VIII, 358).

It is assumed that the Kirata tribes had at one lime spread to the
very border of Dardistan and Balkh. The Kiratas (cirradioi) are
located ‘near the Arsanians’ in the account of Dionysiaka as people
adroit in naval warfare using boats of skin (Ancient India as described
in classical literature by J. W. McCrindle, 1901, P. 199). The Arsa-
mans lived in IJrasa (the present Hazara district of the Punjab)"'.

Now the antiquity of the Kirata tribes is fully established.

There is an opinion that the Aryans had encountered in their
eastern expansion heroic resistance from the Kirata settlers who
had spread all over the Terai region as far as the Ganges. In the Rig
Veda there is a reference to a battle between the Aryans and Kiratas
fought at Allahabad, the confluence of the Ganges and Janxina in which
the latter were totally vanquished.

The Kiratas withdrew to the vicinity of the eastern Himalayas as
the Aryans victoriously marched on to the territories in east and north-
easterly directions. But ultimately the Aryans secured predominance
even in their mountain habitat.

Towards the sixth century B.C. the eastern Himalayas and the
Terais thereunder were the only areas left to the Kiratas.

In the mountainous tracts the Kiratas, however, were supreme
though under cultural influence of their victors.

There was enough of intermingling of blood with the original
settlers of the soil while the Kiratas had expanded into the lower reaches

* Pliny and Megastliencs mention them under the name Skyrites.

For a detailed study of this tribe in ancient history read James I-ong in
J A S B , XIX, 1850, Pp. 536-37, Lassen's Indisches Alterthum, III, Pp, 235-37,
also Ethnic settlements in Ancient India by S. B. Chaiidhuri, Ethnography
o/ Ancient India by Robert Shafer; Kirata- J ana- Krli (1 he I ndo- Mongoloids : Their
contribution to the History and Culture of India) by S. K. Chatterji in the Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XVI (1950), Part I, P. 143 ff.

ANCIENT NEPAL

of the Gandak, Kosi and the Assam rivers.

Their First entry into the Nepal Valley

It appears that the valley of Nepal, which was approached through
the course of the Bagmati, was inhabited by a i>eople of Austroid
origin at the dawn of History. The Dravidians must have also sent
their quota, however small, and they had influenced ethnological make
up of their predecessors.

The channel of the Bagmati provided a convenient route to pene-
trate into the valley from the south. Evidently the Kiratas had taken
this route to reach the valley. In the beginning they had settled down
in the areas in the south of the valley. Later, they expanded east and
west touching a topographical straight line from Sanga to present
Thankot.

The demography of the area shows that the ancient sites of villages
and townlets are marked all in the areas in the south and west of the
valley. The heaviest concentration was at a point around the con-
fluence of the Bagmati and Visnumati, leaving aside Bhatgaon at the
western extremity of the valley, which was comparatively a new
settlement.

The facial expression of the huge majority of the people of region
betrays features which are not wholly akin to those of the upper section
of the original Newar community, such as the Shrestha, Udai and like
castes following the calling of trade and commerce diffused all over the
Valley. Obviously the Kirata emigrants of the lower professions had
mixed up too deeply with the local population of peasanti^ and artisans
to have lost their distinct features.

The many names of locality occurring in the early inscriptions
could be Mongoloid or Pre-Mongoloid in origin. The evidence has
got to be sifted properly. We shall not be surprised if on examination
a great many of them have been found emanating from a Pre-Mongo-
loid source of languages.®

The Kiratas and the Newars

It is admitted by all that the Kiratas were the sole occupants of
the valley for a long time, from the earliest time ever recorded in
history. The same is said of the Newars, and is claimed by them and
lent support to by various ethnic and anthropological findings. But
whereas the former, the Kiratas, have to their support the evidence

•The author hopes to write a book on the Kirata Tribes of Nq>al to deal
with all aspects of the question raised above.

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

of the chronicles further confirmed by the Puranas, the Newars have
not come up for any sort of notice in the above-mentioned treatises,
though curiously they happen to be the people to have been closely
associated with all that the country has stood for, its name and fame
and its grandeur and brilliance. Nobody can deny the very ancient
association of this people with the valley. We have definite linguistic
and archaeological proofs for the existence of this people as early as
the fifth century A.D. by a reference to the Newari names in the
inscriptions, which are maintained intact up till today. The various
names like Dulung, Khepung, Dunprung, Haspring, Khenam in a
I>eopatan inscription, Khripung in Sivadeva’s Bhatgaon inscription,
Katung, Phiring in Sivadeva’s Satungal inscription and Gun Vihara
(Levi III, 74), Tegwal Narayan (lA., IX, p. 168), Buga yumi (ibid,
p. 169) and Thambugangulamula (ibid, p. 171) are pure Newari
derivatives. The language of the inscriptions being Sanskrit, it may
be inferred that Newari was then thrown into background as up till
now it is. Due to the preference of the Lichhavi Kii^s under Gupta
influence or even before and also as a language of the cultured
few, Buddhists or Saivites, Sanskrit was the medium adopted in the
court. But under no circumstances it had ousted Newari as a language
of the mass of people who read and wrote in their common dialect.
The priority of the Newars over the Lichhavis in matter of dates is
quite obvious and we can doubtlessly assume that the Newars were
inhabiting the valley long before the Lichhavis stepped there.

The Vamsavalis write that the Kiratas were conquered by the
Lichhavis. Are they the i>eople speaking the Newari dialect ?

This is the moot point of the present discourse. The Kiratas
today occupy a region cut off by huge undemarcated forests and moun-
tain ranges frwn the rest of the country and from the Newars of the
valley of Kathmandu. The question is whether they migrated whole-
sale in this region after their defeat or stayed on there despite. To an
ordinary mind the idea of a wholesale migration involving the summary
removal of hearth and home from a place where the settlement is of
thousand years is inconceivable. No conquest or repression can dis-
lodge them. The same may be said of the Kiratas who when sub-
jugated by the Lichhavis must be taken to have confined themselves
to the valley. We must also note that the Kiratas are placed,
according to Manusmriti, in the position and status equal to the
Lichhavis, which shows their distinguished place at that time. Now
if the fact of civilisation were to be brought to bear on this problem,
the Kiratas on no account can come up to the level of the Newars

ANCIENT NEPAL

who have to their credit a very ancient and rich culture, while they
themselves have been steeped in age-long darkness and ignorance.
Curiously enough, therefore, the Newars seem to approach the descrip-
tion assigned so long to the old Kiratas. There is yet another point
in favour of the Newars. The chronicles and the Puranas assert
that Kiratadesa was in touch with the Madhyadesa from a
very long time. If this is the case, the influence of Sanskrit would not
have been so rare in the Kirati language as is not the case with
Newari which betrays profound influence of Sanskrit in its vocabulary.

The penetration of Maury an influence in "Nepal is another point
connected with the problem. Although of late, it has been subjected to
doubts by scholars, and we have insufficient ground to believe the entry
of Asoka into the valley; but at least, there is no reason to minimise
its influence on Nepal of the contemporary period. We have Asoka’s
pillars not only in Lumbini and Niglihaba, but also some on
the bank of the River Bagmati in the Nepalese Terai, appearing like
a chain of linfeo between Magadha and the Nepalese Terai through
which Asoka might have traversed to reach Kapilavastu. The stupas
in the valley resemble very clearly those in the plains, in Sarnath
or elsewhere and by no stretch of imagination they can be attributed
to other influences. The fact that the modern Kiratas do not
betray the least sign of having adopted Buddhism must mean that they
were not the people to come under its influence at a very early age.
We cannot take them as representatives of the people inhabiting the
valley 2,000' years ago, who were definitely Saivo-Buddhists. They
probably are not the people meant in reference to tfie Kiratas of
that time by the Vamsavalis, though distantly they may have
ethnic identity with the other group who later became known as Newars.

We now come to the old thesis that the Newars were the first
people to come under the influence of Buddhism and this they retained
in conjunction with the Lichhavis for a long time. The language factor
may stand in the way of proper identification between the Newars and
the Kiratas but on proper analysis it appears that Newari is not
entirely unconnected with modern Kirati both having various fea-
tures of resemblance. The dissimilarity in physical features might be
explained with reference to the age-long isolation both sustained in
course of the past one or two thousand years or to some type of
interfusion with the primitive dwellers both underwent during this long
span of years.

The legend in the same way may support the identification of
the Newars with the old Kiratas. It is commonly believed that

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

the first ruling dynasty in the valley was that of the Kiratas. This
must be an allusion to the first settlement and humanisation of the
valley by a stock of the Kiratas whose identity with the Newar
we have just traced. There are circumstances which definitely go to
show that the Newars were not the same as the Lichhavis. No one
will admit that the language spoken by the Lichhavis was of the nature
of modern Newari. The very currency of a group of languages, non-
Aryan and unrelated to those spoken in the plains, in the Himalayas
and laterly the adoption of Sanskrit attributed mainly to Indo-Aryan
influence have supplied proofs against identifying the Newars with the
Lichhavis, though culturally they might have allied features. The
a:»ertion of the Vamsavalis that the Malla rulers were Newars
similarly seems to be not only wrong but contradictory in view of their
admission that the Mallas were emigrants from the plains, whereas
the Newars are the original settlers of the valley. The Newars must
be identified with the old Kirata settlers to explain their hoary
past. It may be observed here that in ancient treatises everybody living
in the Himalayas was called a Kirata.

First Settlement in the Valley

From a deep anthropological study it has been gathered that many
of the tribes now inhabiting the hilly regions of Assam and Bengal
belong to one race and all of them had migrated to this region in the
sixth or seventh century B.C. This swarm of migration is quite un-
related to the pre-Dravidian race of India, for the Kiratas as also
the Assamese and Newars, while agreeing in their own main features
and manners, differ fundamentally from the Negroid element which
is given a priori the foremost antiquity in Indian settlement. The pre-
Dravidian or Dravidian is definitely a non-Mongolian stock, with curly
hair, swarthy complexion and tall and slender stature. The Kiratas
are a fair people flat cheeked with long cheek bones, short nose and
scanty beards and also with small black eyes and short stature — ^all
obvious characteristics of Mongoloid origin. The attempt, therefore,
to connect South India with the Newars must be discarded in as much
as the affinity they bear to the Mogoloid race of the north-eastern
India is too apparent to lend colour to any attempt of approximation
by conjectures with other races. An inspection of the physical feature
of a large number of Newars will reveal in sufficient manner his close
affinity with the tribes of North Eastern India, so that the same period
of migration and adjustment through that course must be taken to
have brought the Newars to the valley of Kathmandu. This, however,

ANCIENT NEPAL

should not lead one to think that the Newars agree in toto with these
people. As Sylvain Levi says, ‘compared to their less civilised neigh-
bours they are distinguished by a larger face, larger eye, and a better
shaped nose; this is here the mark of intermarrying with the Indians’.’’^
But Mongolian characteristic is still recognisable in their features.
Another people who possess striking resemblance with the Newars in
their primitive stage now inhabiting the base regions of the lower
Himalayas are the Rajvansis and Tharus who have, however, totally
submitted to Hindu culture as to merge in it.

Why they were called Newars

There is no doubt that the Newars are the only people to have
been closely associated with the origin of the word Nepal, the name
of the country, either in prospective or retrospective way. The word
Nepal occurs, for the first time in Indian literature in the work of
Kautilya who writes of certain blankets made in that country. As to
the origin of the word, various interpretations have been suggested,
the most absurd of which is to connect it with an imaginary sage,
called Nemuni whose existence save by the fantastic assertion of the
chronicles has not yet been traced out. Sylvain Levi has cited another
authority to have enunciated the origin by attributing the derivative
to the name of the Asoka tree which was called NE in Nepal. The
only trustworthy conclusion, however, seems to refer the word to
classical Kiratt vocabulary.® According to the north-eastern inter-

’ I. p. 224, he furtlier says:

The Mongolian type, described by Hodgson, on the faith of numerous
observations, is still recognizable on the features of the Nevara and of the
populations which surround them, Magara, Gurungs, Sounawars, Kachars,
Haiyons, Chepangs, Limbus and Lepchas. Head and face very large, particularly
large between the cheek-bones; large foreheads often narrowed on the top,,
rcc-eding chin; large and protrinling mouth,, but the teeth vertical and the lips
without abnormal thickness; heavy views., heavy jaw, widely separated eyes on
a level with the cheeks more or less shaped obliquely pyramidal nose fairly long
and raised except at the bridge where it is often deeply sunk into the point of
allowing the eyes of meeting, but out of a coarse form, thick set, especially at
the top, with large round nostril, abundant and fiat hairs, the face and body
without hairs, the stature rather long, but muscular and vigorous.

* Sylvain Levi, Le Nepal, II. P. 66. He writes; Mr. Waddel (Frog worship
amongst the Newars) has proposed an etymology of the word ‘Nevar' by the
help of the Tibetan. The first syllable Ne would correspond to the written
form ‘gnas* which signifies ‘place, spot’ and ’par excellence’ ‘sacred place or
place of pilgrimage’. The Lepchas give the name of Ne to the Eastern Nepal
and to Sikkim and they interpret it by ‘place of barracks for shelter or residence'.
In most of the connected Indo-Chinese dialects ‘ne’ signihes residence. The
Newars would be the inhabitants of ‘ne’, of the country of sacred places and
par excellence in the Himalayas. And again, the syllable ‘pal’ would be the
equivalent of ‘BaP name which Tibetans give to Nepal (Bal — po = Bal-Yul :
Boc country). The word ‘BaP in Tibetan signifies wool. Nepal then would

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

pretation, Nepa^ (they do not pronounce LA,) is a name applied to
the country occupying the central portion of the Himalayas or as Levi
suggests the foot of the same chains, which fits in with the geographical
position of the country as covering just the central part of the great
mountain at its foot. Newar is another form of expression to denote
the inhabitants of Nepal, ra and la, not sounding in pronunciation to
have assumed the changed form which betrays only a slight alteration
probably on account of a long usage. According to one author they
were originally known as Nepara — this word changing from Nepara
to para and wara through long usage lost its old tone to become the
present day current Newar'\ At any rate, the close association may
incidentally produce an evidence for the antiquity of the Newars prior
to the time of Kautilya whose utterance indirectly supports the existence
of the Newars in the valley before his time. The chronicle alone per-
sistently calls that period as one of the Kiratis under a
wrong notion that the Newars came from South India late in the ninth
century A.D. The word, Newar, however, is not very ancient. It was
first used by Capuchin Fathers in the 17th century andT^y Poet Lalita-
ballabh in his victory poems in 1768.

The Newars and the Lichhavis

Let us now proceed to consider how far the Lichhavis fit in the con-
text as to have borne deep racial or cultural relationship with the Newars
of the valley of Nepal,

Much ink has flown on the question whether the Ljchhavis are
Aryans or nonr Aryan Mongoloids.^^ Dr. Jayaswal (Pp. 171-84, Hindu
Polity) and Prof. Ray Chaudhuri {Political History, Pp. 103-05) have
produced lengthy arguments to show that they were Aryans. The
arguments may not be repeated here, but may be briefly dealt as
follows :

(1) That the Lichhavis had entered into a confederacy with the
Aryan settlers like the Videhas and the Mallas.

(2) That the Ramayana and many other Sanskrit texts connect
their rulers with the main stock of the Vedic Ksatriyas. [In their ins-
criptions the Nepal Lichhavis have addressed themselves in terms which

signify the sacred place of the ‘BaE, All this etymological combination seems
to me greatly suspicious (1, P. 224 f.n.) ,

“ Nepal Sanskrit Parishad Patrika, 1, i.

C. Law, Some Ksatriya Tribes in huUa, Pp. 26-29, Modern Review,
1919, p. 50; Watters, IL P. 83,' s; The Book of Kindred saying, Samyuttanikaya
by Mrs. Rhys Davids, Pp. 257-89, Rockhill’s Life of Buddha, Pp. 62-63; lA,
1908 (Smith’s article) : EH, P. 155 (3rd edition) ; Beal’s Romantic Legend of
Sakyamuni, Pp. 158-60.

ANCIENT NEPAL

indicated their descent from the traditional Ksatriya class. Hiuen Tsang’s
statement that the ruler of Nepal of his time was a Kshatriya of the
Lichhavi dynasty showed that their Kshatriya status was accepted by
all concerned.]

(3) That they were regarded as Vratyas because they did not
subscribe to Brahmanical rules of life.

(4) That the Mahaparinibbana Sum makes the Lichhavis claim
a portion of the Buddha's relic on the ground of their Ksatriya lineage.

(5) The Jaina canons place the Lachhavis in the ranks of the
families deriving their ancestry from the descendants of Kuru and
Iksvaku.

Against these contentions the following are offered :

( 1 ) That the mere fact of confederacy with the Aryan tribes may
not be in itself an evidence for Aryan lineage of a confederate member.

(2) That, moreover, the confederacy came to be established only
when monarchy in Videha had ceased to function, which also weakens
the argument of the dynastic analogy of rulers, as in the same period
the same Ksatfiya dynasty, if there was any, had followed suit of their
Videhan contemporaries.

(3) That so long as the seat of the confederacy was at Vaishali,
they were known as Vrijjis under the name of the Greater Member
and immediately when there was dissolution of the confederacy, only
the separate designation was retained and that perhaps this explains
the reticence of Panini (in IV, 2131) about the Lichhavis and their
subsequent comment at the hands of Kautilya.

(4) That they were regarded as Vratyas not merely because they
were Buddhists but also for their queer social customs like endogamy,
chaitya worship, etc.

(5) That as many other non-Aryan tribes also had demanded
relic of Buddha, the ground for calling the Lichhavis Ksatriyas on that
account alone is most unsatisfactory.

It would appear that a single instance of any evidence is no final
proof in support of the argument. The above will show how the mere
sharing of Buddha’s relic was no factor to determine the Aryan origin
of the Lichhavis as there were also people of non-Aryan stock sharing
it. Similarly Manu’s statement must not be taken without reserve,
firstly because he has placed the Lichhavis with Khasas and Dravidas,
the latter definitely non-Aryan and secondly because he says that these
people and certain others like the Kiratas had deviated from their
original position owing to their non-Brahmanical beliefs. Vratya may
mean impure or barbarous or anything worse without even denoting

GENERAL OBSERVA I IONS

the sense of deviation from a high rank, but the fact that confirmed
non-Aryans like the Dravidas and Kiratas were deemed as Ksatriyas
shows how elastic is the classification of Manu. It shows how social
infiltration amongst all sections of people had taken place as to imbibe
definitely foreign blood at the time when Manu wrote his treatise.
Just as the Buddha is claimed as one of the ten incarnations of Visnu,
similarly the various powerful tribes — pre-Aryans or non-Aryans,
Dravidas or Mongols, were included in the family of Ksatriyas, By
Vratya or “Vrsala Ksatriya” no sense short of non-Brahmanical beliefs
is implied, whether it be a case of deviation or a case of traditional
non-Aryan observances. Manu simply stresses the original position
of these people who, he says, were the Ksatriyas now degraded into
filthy life.^^ He does not, however, make a distinction between the
Aryans and Dravidas and between Aryans and Mongols, which destroys
the attempt to base the origin of the Lichhavis to Aryan Ksatriya
stock on his admission.

No definite proof exists as to the Mongolian origin q} the Lichhavis,
the so-called points of resemblance being rightly declared incomplete
as conclusions on this subject. But Manu’s branding the Lichhavis as
‘Vratya’ must have some significance and when we see that in that
class he puts the non-Aryans and Aryans alike, the treatment the
Lichhavis received at his hands is obvious and distinctly confusing the
issue of their real origin, which we have just noted. The Vratyas
ordinarily were a despised people. They required a rigid kind of
ceremony to go through to come to the other fold (Katyay ana’s Srauta
Sutra). They* had to renounce their old affiliations and past after being
sworn in the new mode of living. There is nothing like extraordinary
in this as applied to Lichhavis. Katyayana or anybody else had
no hesitation to extend the same to Chinas and Kiratas, and Khasas
and Dravidas. Wherein is the proof that Manu’s statement implies the
Aryan lineage of the Lichhavis ? In fact there is none.

There may be a partial truth in the statement that a body of
foreigners who were unfriendly towards the Brahmans could hardly
have been' accepted as Ksatriyas. But what explanation is there to
justify the admission of the hostile tribes like the Khasas and Kiratas
into the Ksatriya community? The legend contained in the Paramathha
Jotika as to the origin of the Lichhavis from a queen of Kasi may
be compared to similar legend of the Kiratas, by which they claim
their descent from Kasi Ksatriyas. This is due to the common tendency
amongst the people of India to try to show themselves to have descended

“ Manu" K.

ANCIENT NEPAL

from a Ksatriya stock of Kasi.

That the Lichhavis were a late comer in the comity of indepen-
dent peoples is shown by the omission of the Lichhavi republic in the
Brahmanical list. Perhaps this may be due to the predominance of
the Videhan rulers in those areas, for only so soon as Videhan monarchy
dies, the Lichhavis figure as independent, but not until then and this
fact has found expression in Kautilya’s treatise.

It is now a common knowledge that the Lichhavis ruled Nepal for
several centuries in early times. Obviously not only the ruling dynasty
of the Lichhavi but also the warriors and traders must have settled in
the Valley. Later, all these must have been assimilated in the broad
stream of humanity along with the upper strata with the merchant class
and artisans.

To day the Lichhavi is lost in the Newar community as is the
Kirata emigrant.

It could never be suggested that the Lichhavis had migrated en-
masse from the original home at Vaisali and they were the people who
pass for the historical Kiratas. But surely both the Kirata and Lichhavi
emigrants had merged together as against those in the lower strata, who
hewed woods and drew water, those who toiled in the fields, made
earthen pots, worked at the foundry and leather and slaved for the
master.

But till such time as the Lichhavis did not leave their domain Vai-
^ali their relation with the Newars had not developed to make for a
racial consanguinity. What was the relationship then?

Evidently the Lichhavis were different from the Kiratas. They
were not the ancient Newars. But Nepal was in close proximity to
Vaisali. Later, because of Vai^ali’s nearness to Nepal the Lichhavis
advanced thither bag and baggage to conquer and settle down.

What is gathered from the above discussion is the close cultural affi-
nity of the Newar community with the Vrijji republic, of which there were
as many non-Aryan members, a position, which cannot be dismissed
as inadmissible on the ground that they were Mongols, or despised as
such in the ancient texts. We know from Kautilya that- they were
existing in his time and though he is reticent as to their poltical struc-
ture or their connection as such, he has nevertheless located all the
eight members of the Vrijji Gana in the vicinity of the central Hima-
layas, so that the probability of the Newars to have been one of them
is not far in as much as many of the confederates still remain to be
unidentified. Hedged in all sides by the Vrijji clans, the Newars would
not have maintained isolation or been allowed to do so on any other

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

consideration.

Any one conversant with the social structure of the Newars would
believe that the Newars were originally animist tribal people,
had no slave caste, shoemaker and untouchable blacksmith amongst
them — it is admitted that whoever there are came mainly from
outside and that also within comparatively recent times. The Buddhist
Newars, though caste ridden have no class corresponding to Brahmans,
the former monks now having left monasteries performing this func-
tion on the blind influence of the Tantric and Saivaite doctrines. At
the same time the old titles, even formally, of the monks, like
Sakyabhiksu, Vajrachary, etc., which are more indicative of the
original casteless nature of the society are retained. In such circum-
stances no feasibility of a monarchical form of Government, a proto-
type of one man’s rule, was least entertained. The word Juju used
for the King at present expresses a sense of mere nodding apparatus
without any power or executive prerogatives, for Ju in Newari means
an expression of approval revealed in the nodding of head. The
Newars probably believed in the Sangha deliberation* as in Vaisali.
It is really unique that an originally turbulent people had disciplined
themselves as Buddhists and become liberal and undergone a change
in their social behaviour to live with the most progressive sections like
the Videhas and the Lichhavis.

We have three more pieces of evidence to support the view that
the Newars were included in the Vrijji clans. The first is that they
still retain the designation of Vrijji. The lower class peyople, mostly
the untouchables, who reveal definite racial type of feature of Dravidas
or pre-Dravidas, call the Newar as Vajje, which is peculiarly used to
them alone in the most respectful sense. The second and third are
the Chaitya worship and the Yaksa superstition. As these two features
of the Newari social life are still preserved, our task is rendered easier
in the matter of comparison. We should observe here that these were
present in Vaisali also. The Chaitya is the oldest form of place for
Avorship. It was meant either to contain certain relics associated with
the ancestors or to convey the very presence of the spirit of the dead,
which inhabited the structure incarnated as Yaksa. It was said that
during Asoka’s entry into Nepal, there were many Chaityas and it
was probably due to the influence the Newars derived from the common
culture which they shared with the Lichhavis.^^ The Yaksa is now
called Khya. There is a belief in Nepal that the devil, called Khya,
is endowed with the capacity of bestowing on his favourite whatever

“ The worship of the Yaksas was prevalent also in Ceylon.

ANCIENT NEPAL

amount of money the latter desires to possess. His picture with two
big jugs holding money appears along with that of Laksmi, the Goddess
of Wealth. The devil is still offered sacrifices. One does not know
whether the Yaksa or Khya is a superstition mainly belonging to and
originating in non-Aryan people. Kuvera is certainly an Aryan demi-
god who figures commonly in the Ramayana and Mahabharata. He
is also one of the four guardian deities of the Mahayana Buddhist
pantheon. He is given the royal position in the Himalayas and as
such his association with the Aryan people is close. If he is not
racially connected with them, he has at least a tie of culture with them.
Nor the idea of ugliness is intended with reference to the Himalayan
people as seems to be the conclusion of Dr. Jayaswal, while he attri-
butes the snubnosed relief images of Sanchi and Bharuth to the social
types identified with the Kiratas. The very romance about the Yaksa
as appears in our poetic literature must dispel such ideas. Like V.
Smith, K. P. Jayaswal also bases his reading on the alleged ugliness of
the Northern dwellers. They were, however, not coarse and ugly.
We have a Chmese account on the subject (Levi, I, pp. 157-61 ) which
has spoken highly of the physical beauty of the people of the valley of
Kathmandu. It was no ordinary compliment as it comes from one of
the acknowledged beautiful races of the world like the Chinese. Whatever
that may be, we have to bear in mind that the Yaksa is only a supersti-
tion and no idea of racial affinity from relief images can be obtained or
adduced for purposes of any sort of identification. The only argument
it offers is the close cultural collaboration between the peoples of Nepal
and Vaisali, who as the Newars and Lichhavis were existing as early as
the sixth century B.C.

The antiquity of the Newars is a subject of much controversy.
But from the above it will appear that if they are identified with one
of the original emigrants of the valley, the controversy can be settled.

The Newars of Kathmandu

One of the most ancient communities which has made itself
famous by a deep, varied and voluminous contribution to the cultural
heritage of man is the semi-civilized Newar community of Nepal. Very
obscure in origin, possessing a peculiar culture mixed with many tribal
crudities, the Newars constitute a most complicated racial type. The
Newars form one of the oldest living groups, not only in Nepal but in
the whole of India. Their civilization goes back to a period older
than some of the very old sites in India. Their ccmtribution to the
particular variety of Asian art and architecture, popularly known as

GKNKRAL OBSERVATIONS

Indo-Tibetan, is very profound. They gave Nepal a name and fame
without which that mountainous country would have been unknown.
No wonder, therefore, that such a community has attracted the atten-
tion of historians and Indologists.

The Newars have been living in the valley of Kathmandu for
centuries; nobody knows when they first settled down. If some of the
ancient Sanskrit works were to be relied on and if it can be proved
that the reference therein about Nepal implied reference to Kathmandu,
the presence of the Newars in the valley even in that period cannot
be doubted. From the time of the Mahabharata to the time of the
Lichhavis whose entry into this mountain principality opened a new
vista for further advancement the Newars seem to have been known
by a different name. This only can explain the absence of any mention
about these people in the books and anecdotes of that time. It is
also very difficult to surmise how this word came into use. Even after
the Lichhavis, there is nothing to shed light on this point. Nepal gets
its name from Naimeni, according to legends, but if its antiquity were
to be established as early as the Mahabharata, Naimeni, or whatever
be the name of the name-giver, cannot belong to the third or fourth
century A.D. Some historians erred in attributing the name, Nepal,
to a king named Nimishi who flourished in the third century A.D. What
seems to be nearer to fact has been already dealt with in the preceding
pages. Nepal’s inhabitant could become Newar after some time by a
process by which similar other words undergo a change; Nepal, Nepara,
Newara or as we suggested earlier they were Newar because they lived
in Nepal. It •-is, therefore, entirely absurd to think that the Newars
are the same people as the Nairs of Malabar or that they were immi-
grants from North-Western India or they were a tribe by themselves.
There is still a legend in Nepal that the Newars came from the plains.
These legends, however, are not entirely false, but they seem to have
misconstrued certain important facts. The Newars did come from the
plains and certain families of Aryan emigrants such as the Lichhavis of
Vaisali and Mallas of Pawapuri, have been absorbed in the Newar tribe
and very likely legends speak of these families, when they link the Aryan
race with the Newars of Kathmandu. The Newars are a composite
people as we observed in the foregoing article. They contain within
themselves types of three main racial groups. These have manifested
sometimes concurrently and sometimes seperately. And Nepalese cul-
ture was such as assimilated all other cultures and tribes. These are
matters, however, to be decided by experts; I have merely hinted at
them. We can only say with assurance and beyond any doubt that the

ANCIENT NEPAL

Newars are a very old people.

It should be noted that the Newari culture assimilated settlers from
outside as late as the thirteenth century A.D. In this particular century
alone, certain immigrant families from Mithila and Bengal were ab-
sorbed in Kathmandu. The Devabhajus, who are most probably from
Uttar Pradesh and who are responsible for the revival of Sanatani Hindu
religion in Nepal in the reign of the Mallas, have lost their old character
and have been absorbed with the Newars in all aspects of life. They
have been, however, able to preserve their caste individuality by a rigid
isolation in matrimonial affairs. The Jhas from Mithila who migrated
during the invasion of Sultan Shamsuddin of Bengal have also suffered
a change towards absorption in the Newari mode of life. But whereas
the Devabhajus were completely absorbed and have become part and
parcel of the Newari communal life, by assuming the priestly function
of the Saiva section of the Newars, the Jhas have still dealings with
their brethren in Mithila. They have marriage relations outside and
are still regarded as Maithils, but that the Devabhajus are from outside
no Newar believes, and this shows how closely united they are at pre-
sent.^^

Origin

The origin of this tribe is little known outside or inside the city of
Kathmandu. Certain people have attempted to unravel this origin but
in vain. The greatest mistake has come from hurried generalisation
without a study of Newari physiognomy.

It cannot be established that the Newars are Mongolian or Aryan
people or that they came from Tibet or India. While 'there is much
to lend colour to the Mongolian origin of a large section of them, Tibet
cannot be set up as the homeland of even that section of the Newars.
The confusion in this direction is due to the absence of any documents
and relevant local legends. We have only to take recourse to anthro-
pological study to arrive at a correct estimate of things. If we analyse the
Newar facial expression, the Indo-Mongol origin is found indelibly im-
printed on many of them. But the Newars bear affinity more to the tribes
of the North-Eastern India than to the Tibetans. I have seen the Assam
hill-tribes and also the Manipuris; and the Rajabansis of Pumea and Jal-
paiguri, on close scrutiny I could not note any difference in features.
So if the Newars came from anywhere, it is more probable that they came
from the North Eastern India at a period when the tribe in that region ex-
panded all over India. Very lately, some historians have told us that the

The total population of the Newars may be roughly i million and the area
over which they have spread is roughly 18 x 22 sq. miles.

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS S5

Kols and Bhils who represent the oldest type of Indian civilization
belong to this group and also that they embarked on their migratory
career in the same period. The Newar tribe is an offshoot of that ex-
pansive race.

Not all Newars are of this type, and there is a smaller section
of them owing allegiance to the Aryan race. As we have already re-
ferred to them, these are the descendants of the Lichchavis and the
Mallas. This section has also imbibed certain Mongol characteristics,
but it is by way of admixture with the original settlers; in return they
have transfused Aryan blood in some Mongolian families. This section
has prominent Aryan features. But manners and language are proof
of their affinity, though of late, mixing has practically ceased.

There is, however, no watertight barrier between these two sec-
tions. Certain names amongst the castes and sub-castes bear testimony
to an Indian origin; for example, some families have still the Malla ap-
pendage in their family titles; others, however, have been completely
submerged. •

Religion

Nowhere does a complete harmony prevail between divergent
forms of worship as in the valley of Kathmandu. It is as if all sec-
tions understood the significance of this basic unity of all shades of
belief. There are no Mohammedans amongst the Newars. But Bud-
dhists and Sivamargis have been living together in perfect harmony
throughout the ages. And to the surprise of all, it is only in the valley of
Kathmandu thafc a complete harmony of worship has been possible
and instances of hostile camps coming together in the temple are pretty
common. A Sanatani Hindu Newar pays as much respect to his own
deity as to the deity of the other sect and vice versa. All temples
in Nepal have removed the taint of segregation. Taken as such the
Newars may appear neither wholly Buddhists nor wholly Saivites. They
have been able to eliminate all discord from their social life and to
maintain amity and concord between themselves. This is an example
which should draw the attention of the diehard communalists.

The harmonious adjustment in the field of religion can be traced
to the trend of historical development. The Newars have always been
subjected to invasions from outside both culturally and politically and
Kathmandu has been visited by all kinds of reformers. The tradition
of teaching dissimilar dogmas is too indelible to be brushed off. And
today this has led to a mixed form of worship where a perfect type of
communal understanding prevails.

ANCIENT NEPAL

Yet a stronger factor has been the effort of the Tantrists who have
welcomed devotees irrespective of caste and creed. The Tantric in-
fluence in Kathmandu has not been a force of discrimination and isola-
tion. It is all embracing and pervasive. Thus almost all temples have
come to adopt the mode of worship in accordance with the Tantric
system. People of all castes, not excepting the untouchables, and
of all creeds, including the Saivite Hindu Newars, have tenaciously
revered the Tantric rules. And in return they have been granted
equality of rights to worship in the temples, sometimes even in the
face of deep seated caste prejudices. It would be a matter of extreme
satisfaction to social reformers to learn that for hundreds of
years the untouchables in the happy valley of Kathmandu have been
enjoying the right of entry into the temples and that in some cases they
are installed as temple worshippers.^'* All that is due to the sole in-
fluence of the Tantras.

Of course Tantrism is not an unmixed blessing. Tantrism has
in some respe^rts vitiated the simplicity and beauty of Newari life. It
has brought about very wild forms of violence and cruelty in sacrifice;
one of the most cruel modes of sacrifice requires fresh blood from the
throat of a living buffalo. The throat is gradually pierced with a dagger
so that the blood flows slowly over the image of the deity, while at the
same time the buffalo in extreme agony is kept alive till the last drop
of blood leaves the body. The Tantric mode of worship and sacrifice
is at the root of this. Again much of the undesirable complexity and
rigidity no\^ dominant in the religious life of the Newars is due to the
Tantras. The Mudra formations and some other quaiht actions seem
all nonsensical formalities, but they have to be followed strictly in
matters of worship. Devil dancing is also a part of the ceremony
and masked heads when in worship are a common sight in Newari
festivals. Medievalism in worship as in many other aspects of their
life has come as a blot in contrast with the artistic and cultural achieve-
ments of the Newars. Considering that whatever is incongruous there,
is partly due to the Tantric distortion, the blame falling on the Tantric
Pandits should be great. But even then the other side of the problem
cannot be dismissed. That Tantric influence has tended to unify oppo-
site religious forces should not be dismissed without further thought;
and it should not be forgotten that, with all its regrettable results, Tan-

1 he deities like the Tara o£ Sankhu, Mahankal of the Parade-ground, the
Dakshina Kali—all in the valley, have commanded the respect of all. The Pashu-
patinaih and Lokesvara, one of Saiva sect and another of Buddhist Mahayana
group, are universally respected. ^

However, entry into certain secluded temples is barred.

c;kneral observations

trism has given a special distinction to the religion of the Newars who
hardly find a place among the Buddhists of other countries. Tantrism
has taken them nearer to Tibet.

Newari Festivals

The Newars celebrate all Saivite festivals, but they have their own
special festivals celebrated in accordance with the Tantras. Of all
peoples the Newars have the greatest number of festivals. At one time
or other, each fortnight or week, they have festivities accompanied by
the most splendid display of ceremonial rites and observances. The
home of a Newar always wears a festive appearance and not a single
day passes without some pomp or ceremony or without old style music
and the ringing call of all sorts of medieval instruments and in an
ecstasy brought about by overdoses of liquor. Each ceremony is
marked with the offering of liquor bowls and sacrifices of buffaloes,
liquor and meat being distributed to keep the devotees aglow with joy.

Devil dances are very common. Masks of demons and of gods
and goddesses are worn by the dancers and symbolic dances involving
artistic poise and movement are exhibited. These dances are full of
meaning and are performed with delicacy and perfection. In addition
to devil dances, certain other dances, mainly classical, accompany cere-
monies, the chief dances being the Mahakali, the Tara, and the har-
vest dance. Some of these dances retain realistic traits in them. One
such dance, generally held along as a part of the eight-day ceremony
of Indrajatm which occurs in September, celebrates the fight of
the God Bhaifav with the buffalo demon; the special feature of this
dance is that a living buffalo figures as one party to the battle. Some-
times a very ferocious buffalo has to be encountered by the dancing
party symbolizing the Bhairav and his two menials, called Bhakkus in
Newari, and it is not without strenuous efforts of hands and swords
that the fight is ultimately decided against the demon; eventually the
chief dancer who represents the Bhairav kills him with his sword. This
dance is part of the nocturnal amusements provided in the Indrajatra
and is witnessed and enjoyed by the Nepal nobility.

The Newars are a very superstitious people and, therefore, festi-
vals involving rites and ceremonies designed to thwart the evil influence
of the demons are very many. It is a common belief in the Kathmandu
valley that demons are almost omnipresent. This is, of course, due
to the prevailing influence of the Tantric cult. Ceremonies are still
rigorously performed in pursuance of the above superstition. The
Shala Jatra in March and the Ghanta Kama in August are

ANC:iENr NEPAL

held with all pomp and splendour to drive away the invading devils.
The belief is that discontinuance would have untoward results.

Festivals begin each year with the New Year’s day in Chaitra.^^
The new month is the occasion of annual ceremonies in honour of the
family deities. Goats and buffaloes are killed in great numbers. The
Newars irrespective of castes are buffalo eaters. This is also the occasion
for a rendezvous of all the members of the family, as the ceremonies are
held in congregation. Then there is Sithinakh, the 6th day of bright
fortnight of Jyaistha. This time the nearest temple in the vicinity is the
object of veneration. Shaparu or Gaijatra is celebrated for cow
worship in honour of the just departed. Processions of decorated cows
and bullocks are taken round the streets. The Maghajatra is the
occasion for widely prevalent kirtans or songs of prayer in praise of
Visnu. This festival occurs in January and is held for a month. Each
Toll or Mahalla individually celebrates this festival. Processions of
devotees, singing the sacred name of Hari, are the chief features.
During the Bandejatra in Bhadra the Buddhist priests go round
the city and beg alms of their followers.

These festivals have come down from past ages and have been
maintained intact without the least diminution in feeling. This, how-
ever, would not have been possible but for an institution which has
alone fostered the tradition of the Newars. This institution, called
the Goothi is a veritable treasury for the Newars and it has endowed
the Newari culture with the effective and necessary backing, the finan-
cial grants. ‘ It has been the custom of the Newars to reserve a certain
portion of their property as sacred endowments for the* upkeep of the
family rites and observances. This endowment is not transferable or
divisible. The family holds it jointly. Of late certain family feuds
have afflicted this institution owing to the fast splitting up of the joint-
family system; but that it has enabled the Newari family to keep up
their tradition, nobody can deny. Moreover, it provides maintenance
for many families who get their income out of the joint property as
part of their share. As the joint property is indivisible and unsaleable,
the flow of income is uninterrupted. In this environment of fostering
care and with full financial backing, the Newari medieval tradition could
save itself from the forces of destruction.

Customs and Manners

Some customs and manners have already been dealt with. Let us

Although according to almanac, the new year begins with Kartik bright
fortnight. ^

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

take a few more of them, e.g. peculiarities in the marriage system.
The Newari marriage ceremony is marked by the absence of the bride-
groom in the proper rite, the bride alone performing all the rituals.
There is no child marriage among them, but they have protected their
women from perpetual widowhood by establishing the wifehood as
something divine and permanent. The first ceremony towards mar-
riage is performed as early as the sixth year of the girl and in the cere-
mony the girl is married to Subarnakumar in the form of gold with
the Bel (wood-apple) fruit. It is maintained that human relationship
entered through marriage later on is a subsidiary and violable contract;
only the divine marriage is taken as indissoluble. The Newars allow
widow marriage. Against the benefits conferred on women, however,
should be considered certain social disadvantages attached to them, e.g.
the Newars have a crude system of divorce but women have no choice
in the matter. Another peculiar manner of the Newars is their adoption
of the caste title of the mother in the event of cohabitation between two
people of different castes. This appears like a matriarchal feature and
is found in Newari society alone. The Newars have 5lso. enjoyed a
thorough type of communal life and though the body of this life has been
much impaired influences of modern civilization the spirit is preserved
through annual gathering.

Caste System

Tt should be noted that the caste structure has been built upon the
principles of non-violence and renunciation. This is noticeable in the
names of the >*arious castes, like Sakyaviksu, Vajracharya and Udasin,
all connoting a sense of disgust with worldliness and temporal affairs.
It is probable that a major section of the Newars had no caste system so
long as they resisted outside pressure. But when that pressure came with
cultural and political domination, the underlying high ideals succumbed
except the name which has been kept up. The Newar castes at present arc
as much subject to mutual prejudices and ill-feelings as castes in India.
There is a caste complex and a caste hierarchy. There is also a priest
class. If the Newars were to be classed as Buddhists, the caste system
is peculiarly their own. There is however, a class immune from philo-
sophical upheavals. This class of peasants, called Jyapu, has been
all along a source of sustenance to the other three classes. It is not
known whether the old structure acknowledged their important position,
but today they are downtrodden. There were no slaves amongst the
Newars and there is no Ksatriya caste as such at the moment. Also, the
untouchables at Kathmandu have come from outside and though assimi-

ANCIEN r NEPAL

lated in the society have preserved a distinct feature. One proof is that
even now there are no cobbler and untouchable goldsmith and blacksmith
castes amongst the Newars.

Occupation

On the whole the Newars except the Jyapus of them are a
people mainly adopting trade and commerce and crafts and industry
as their profession. They have a monopoly over the whole of Nepal’s
commercial and industrial activities. Their position is duly acknow-
ledged by the whole country and their name as Bhaju is a byword
in Nepal. Bhaju means trader (like Seth) and is appended to the
name of every Newar. The Newars, thanks to their wisdom and dis-
cretion and also skill and adaptability, have captured a position of van-
tage in the civil administration. Today the upper strata of them are at
the top. At the same time, with dexterity and cunning they have pro-
tected their field from outside pressure. They have covered the whole
country as traders, though they betray a lack of adventurous spirit. They
were not t^^keif in the army under the Rana regime.

Language and Cultural Achievements

Linguistic and cultural development of the people of the Nepal
valley has been singularly great. The Newari language and the Pagoda
style of architecture stand as testimony to their greatness. To begin
with the language, it is admitted that Newari reveals admirable charac-
teristics of beauty and polish, of richness and refinement. It is one
of the oldest languages of the world but even in its palmy, days possessed
little valuable treasury of high class literature. The language, however,
has lived on and has shown a strong capacity to resist outside influences.
The cultural supremacy enjoyed by Sanskrit could alone affect it to
some extent, but not so as to alter the linguistic structure.

The language of the Newars does not come into the category of
the Indo-Aryan languages. It belongs to the Tibeto-Burman stock of
Mongol origin. The monosyllabic nature of the words establishes its only
connection with the above mentioned stock. It is, however, not admis-
sible to deduce from this that Newari is an off-shoot of Tibetan. Such
inferences are not admissible in the light of deep research. A study of
the two languages concerned has shown that behind the apparent unity
as expressed in the monosyllabic nature of words there lies a funda-
mental disunity of meanings and idioms. More than 75 per cent of
the words in Newari have no affinity with Tibetan, as will be proved
by the following table, even if a few words are identical; it will appear

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

that besides some identity between Tibetan and Newari, Sanskrit in-
fluence is also to a great extent manifest.

(1) NEWARI

TIBETAN

ENGLISH

Juju

Galpo

King

Nibha

Nga-mo

Sun

Jujuni

Chhimgmo

Queen

Shapu

Pechha

Book

Sha

Bhalang

Cow

Shin

Wood

Lha

Hand

Khwa

Face

Fire

As many as fifty

per cent of the words in Newari are derived from

or related to Sanskrit, but all these have been shaped into monosyllabic
pattern to fall in line with the basic structure of the language.

(2) NEWARI

SANSKRIT

ENGLISH

Nau

Naina

{^ame

Duru

Dugdham

Milk

Manu

Manusya

Man

Ghyo

Ghrita

Ghee

Bhaye

Bhasa

Language

Dhau

Dadhi

Curd

Jya

Karya

Work

Nobody can deny the mutual influence of languages. If the Newars
gave Tibet the Gupta script in conjunction with the Kasfimiris, which
shows that llbetan renaissance is of a later date, the talk of grave
Tibetan influence on Nepal might appear almost absurd. Let Tibetolo-
gists enlighten us!

In the matter of scripts, however, Sanskrit influence is very clear.
The Newars took India's script and they have exhibited a tendency
to admit all kinds of scripts, even Bengali and Maithfli. A glance at
the scripts of Gomu, Bhujimu, Ranjana and modern Newari will corro-
borate this view. Tibetan influence, on the other hand, is practically
hidden beyond finding; only the monosyllabic nature of words may
prove it, if proof it can be. In these scripts have been written many
valuable works now in the Nepal Library.

The Pagoda style of architecture is common to all Buddhistic
countries. Much controversy existed as regards the origin of this style.
But now it is admitted that the Pagoda style is Newari; temples con-
structed in this style existed in Nepal earlier than elsewhere. For a

ANCIENT NEPAL

description of it one can view a picture of a Burmese Pagoda where
each story has got a roof of tiles — in Nepal metal sheets and tiles
and this is a distinguishing feature — and where the main body of the
temple looks like a tower of wide dimensions.

The Newars were great builders. A network of temples covers
the three cities of the valley; Kathmandu itself is a city of temples.
These temples have beautiful architectural and sculptural decorations
and reveal a high standard of taste and refinement. The famous tem-
ples in Nepal are the Changunarayan, the Dattatreya, the Krisna, the
Taleju and the Durbar Square temples — all of the 16th and 17th
centuries.

The description of cultural achievements would not be complete
without reference to the contribution made by the Newars to Tibetan
culture which has followed Buddhist tradition since Buddhism had
been introduced in that country in the 7th century A.D. The
modelling of Tibetan script closely following the Gupta character
is also partly a gift of the Newars; the valuable works of Sanskrit
origin which feund their way into Tibet and were written in Tibetan
script greatly contributed to the Tibetan renaissance. The recent ex-
ploration and finds prove that Tibet owes much to these books. They
also establish the inalienable connection which existed between Tibetan
and Indian cultures, the latter acting through the medium and agency
of the Newars.

Relation with India

The valley of Kathmandu was never regarded as putside India’s
sphere of influence; all forces, cultural or political, seem to have affec-
ted it. Geographically and economically the valley was inseparable
from the Indo-Gangetic plain. There was no natural boundary to
separate the sub-Himalayan tract where the valley was situated from the
Gangetic plain. Kathmandu did not stand in splendid isolation and at
every period of history its relation with India had been intimate. There is
a legend that as early as the Mahabharata days, the ruler of Nepal figured
in the great fight. Buddhism entered Kathmandu if not at its very birth
surely long before the Christian era started. This may be dismissed as
imaginative, but there cannot be any doubt that the Maurya Princes
and the Lichhavis were at the head of administration. Tem-
porarily even the Kushans and the Guptas held sway over the country.
Then there is the fact of Indian dynasties ruling in the valley; all ruling
dynasties of Nepal — the Mauryas, the Lichhavis, the Thakuris, the
Kamatakas, the Mallas and the Shahs, were emigrants from the plains.

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

This, however, should not be misconstrued as to mean domina-
tion from India. Nepal’s autonomy is traditional; this autonomy was
respected by external rulers, even by the Guptas, and was scrupulously
maintained by the ruling dynasties with a feeling of complete identity
with the ruled. There is no truth, therefore, in the statement that
the valley was a Hindu colony, owing allegiance to the mother country.
The intimate geographical, cultural and economic relations subsisting be-
tween Nepal and the Indo-Gangetic plain would not by any standard
reduce Nepal to a colonial status vis-a-vis India under any circumstances.

One point has to be stressed. This tiny valley of Kathmandu
with 18x22 square miles of territory was the centre of all Nepalese
activities and controlled the destiny of the whole mountainous kingdom.
But in ancient days at the peak of its glory at several stages the king-
dom was not reaching the present boundaries, and Nepal proper meant
the valley only.

At present the Newars have lost much of their past glories and
have entirely receded from the tradition of arts and architecture. But
in the midst of the medieval environment still persisting — ^in the many
quaint customs and manners, the Newars have much to interest the
outside observers. And who can turn his eyes from the glorious tem-
ples and monuments vying with the best that man has created else-
where? Kathmandu always breathes the skill and artistic dexterity which
the Newars long enjoyed.

Art and Architecture in Nepal

That the womb of the central Himalayas, the smiling valley of
Kathmandu, gould possess such glorious past endowed with the most
exquisite development of art and architecture is something which puzzles
an ordinary reader. Yet there is nothing more simple to account for,
if we consider the various physical and psychic factors coming into
play. Nepal has recorded a high stage of development in this parti-
cular line, and naturally therefore the Newars hold a high place amongst
civilised men, a place which nobody can deny to them so long as these
monuments of glory stand as witness to their unique achievements.

Yet Newari culture is in contrast with the material side of the
Newar’s life and with his present contribution to culture.

The valley of Kathmandu is itself an abode of all cultural excel-
lences, manifest through simple but marvellous stupas, lofty and beauti-
fully designed pagodas, richly carved doorways and windows, finely gilt
roofs, magnificent pillars and awe inspiring Buddhist images, which are
the pride and glory of that little land. Under the blue briglit sky, in
the soft cold of the morning, in the painted brilliance of the evening,.

ANCIENT NEPAL

with the background of the sky-kissing whiteness of the Himalayas in
the far north, surrounded by the green and eye pleasing hills, the
valley spreads in resplendent grandeur. The way to Kathmandu is
really hard, but to one who has once felt the inspiring thrill at the sight
of the old stupas and majestic minarets, the valley has always held an
irresistible glamour, all the rigours of the way vanishing like darkness
before the sunlight.

The importance of the valley of Kathmandu lies in its geographi-
cal position. It occupies a central place in the middle and eastern
Himalayas. It connects by the shortest route, viz, the Banepa-Kuti
route, two great countries of the world, India and China. It is the
biggest place for human habitation in the whole of the Himalayan
region, the biggest valley, and the most cultivable plain. Nature has
endowed it with almost all the rich soils requisite for cultivation and
with rich materials, like clay and timber. Tliere is, therefore, no
wonder that the valley could nurse a rich civilisation.

Climatically the valley enjoys the best conditions to preserve monu-
ments, whicjji afe mainly constructed out of the two materials, wood and
brick, wrought into architectural excellence and refinement.

Historicaly the valley is as old as the very oldest parts of India.
The first settlement was that of a tribe of Aborigino-Mongols from
the eastern Himalayas, who are now known as the Newars and in shape
and built they got mixed with others. Originally these people were ani-
mists, the trace of which is visible among the tribes of the eastern Hima-
layas in their^ various superstitious doctrines and vulgar pantheism. Later
Buddhism threw a philosophic veneer over animism and endowed it with
the best of aesthetic taste. The grotesque Chaitya changed into a simple
and massive Stupa, the childish workmanship of an aboriginal grew
to the highest expression of the inspired art, and absurd impulsive
creations rose to profuse and elaborated designs and symbols.

The Stupas

The earliest specimen of this form of structure and perhaps the
most ancient devotional monument lies in the south-east of Kathmandu,
in one of its suburb towns, called Patan. Except for relics in Tilaura
and Piprawa, the stupas are the oldest monuments of architectural
importance. These are five in number, four in the cardinal squares of
the citadel and one at its centre known as Pimbahil. These are
attributed to Asoka. There is a stupa at Kirtiput, a fort town
at the southeast of Kathmandu on a tiny ridge, but its origin
cannot be traced out on account of the decorations and alterations

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

adopted in course of time.

These stupas are of the shape of a hemisphere, constructed out of
bricks on a plinth of the same (two, however, on a pavement of stone)
and devoid of any architectural decorations. They are very simple
and present an appearance of the very primitive edifices that took birth
along with Buddhism. At the top there is a small chapel, which is the
only ornament, but this is also so simple and of elementary execution
that the usual environment is unaffecting. The chapel is dedicated to
Vairochana. The hemisphere contains in its innermost recess a chapel,
entered through a by-door, now a depository for ceremonial purposes.
At each lateral chapel attached to the hemisphere, which has changed
frc5m a simple stone vault into a multiple Pagoda, the images of the
four of the meditating Buddhas, Amitabba, Ratnasambhava, Akshobya
and Amoghasiddha betray a deep interfusion of the influence of the
other sect, viz., the Mahayana which, of course, represents the pre-
Tantric sculptural work. The central stupa is more like a Chaitya
and stands on a tier of brick and stone platforms, unlike the mere
mass of bricks characteristic of the other stupas. The summit is a
canopy cube-shaped and in the form of rings like the Toran, which
maintains a parasol (Chhatra) standing on a tripod of metal. The
Asokan stupas are respectively called Laghan Tanda, Traitas Tanda,
Phulcha Tanda and Zimpi Tanda,

Smaller mounds of earth supporting a Buddhist structure have also
been found in diffierent parts of the valley. Besides these, there are
miniature stupas with a courtyard, of the description of, larger works
and essentially of the same design and execution. These are called
Chaityas in Nepal and the site they occupy is known
Chibahal (small monastery). They belong to comparatively re-

cent times and as such do not necessarily belong to an early type of
non-conventional structure or of a pre-image conception of worship.
They are iconographic like the latter images, as the five symbolic
figures of the Buddha reveal. Yet the simplicity of structural design
and taste have the bearing of an earlier iconography and sculpture and
generally resemble the central stupa.

Swayamhhunath and Bauddha

Not far from Kathmandu and at its western end overlooking the
spacious valley, stands the four hundred feet high hillock which rears
the Chaitya of Swayambhu with a multitude of miniature chaityas,
pagodas, shrines and chapels all around. One travels only a mile over
a terraced highway to reach the base of the hill leading to the top by a

ANCJENT NEPAL

Stony staircase, nearly three hundred steps, very steep and narrow, from
the eastern side. From down below where one accosts three grand
images of Buddha in meditative posture, one sees on both sides a
masquerade of deities mainly in meditation and of stupas and chapels
of simple and beautiful design. The sanctity of the place is fully
heightened by the peaceful poise of the images under the shade of the
tall green trees which spread their branches as if in deep reverence
towards the spirits dwelling in the images, the whole symbolising in a
glorious manner the fundamental structure of the Newari social life
permeated with Buddhist peace and harmony. The soft murmuring
of a cool breeze, and the song of the birds impart a lulling sensation;
the devotee in a trance as it were, merging himself in the prayer, while
he counts up his beads and enraptured by the occasional shouts of
^Buddha Dharma Sangha* coming from lips equally placid, feels himself
in tune with nature and his environment, where all have combined to
give an effect of a deep aesthetic quietness to the sacred monument
of the Swayambhu.

The hilloct: is a continuation of the Bhimdhunga hill, a curved
jutting towards the east and is separated by a chasm from another hill
on which stands the chapel of Manjusri, according to local legend the
Chinese incarnation of Buddha, to whom the chronicle ascribes the
humanising of the valley and installation of the Self-Existent therein
out of a lotus flower — the common belief is that the hillock was a lotus
flower, by a supernatural feat of drainage of the great lake that hid
the beautiful .valley in yore. This Manjusri passes as a female deity,
viz. Sarasvati, in Saivite worship, and the belief has gained ground in
spite of the image which definitely reveals a prominent feature of the
Bodhisatva with a book and sword in hands. The summit where
Swayambhu is situated is a flat surface, some thousand square yards
in area, almost every inch of it studded with religious images of the
Great Buddha and his satellites, the Dhyani Buddhas and numerous
Vajrayana deities. At the centre stands a monument on a plinth of
stones, hemispheric in shape, completely whitewashed to look like an
egg but which is bulging out in the middle and flattened narrowly at
the northern pole to give the top the shape of a grove, which forms
itself the base of a gilt Taran with projecting cornice and with eyes
painted on each side, which according to legend cast a benign look
over the valley to protect it from destruction and sacrilege. Over the
Taran there lies a big sloping mass of wooden rings coated with
gilt copper which hides the surface to match the whole perfectly with
the brilliance of the Tor an. The finial is a copper gilt bell-tower

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

fenced in by a tripod with a broad metal base circular in shape and
dexterously adorned with artistic pendents. Between the cupola and
the smaller shrines there is a vacant space for processional rounding
but so narrow as to lean against the iron framework which contains
the prayer wheels with Tibetan symbols of Mani Padme Hum and
a pair of flags. Attached to the dome are four chapels, mainly of
bricks and plaster, with finely worked trellis and bell crowns.

The gilt Vajra (thunderbolt), called Dorjee locally, lies just at the
end of the staircase on the eastern vicinity of the stupa, and guarded
by two lions of stone erected by Pratapamalla at the entrance. The
ba^ment is a stone disc standing on a drum carved in stone, the outer
walls of which contain in bold relief the images of serpent, horse, sheep,
monkey, goose, pig, rat, bull and hare — symbolic of astronomical cycles
for Tibetan calendars. The disc is called Vajradhatumandala,
Nearby the twin footmarks on a blackstone are also objects of venera-
tion. A flame of sacred oil is always burning as if to keep up the
glory of the lord, or perhaps to remind the world that tj;ie Great Light,
the Buddha consciousness, is never put off. •

The stupa of Bauddhanath is another marvel of simplicity and
undecorated beauty, which has been preserved to us for ages on a site
near Pasupati between Kathmandu and Sankhu. The little village
which forms the surrounding of the stupa lies on the way leading to
Lhasa, which has led scholars to think that its antiquity is mixed up with
Lamaistic preachings. Be what it may, this place is a centre of pilgri-
mage to the Bhotiyas as well as to the Newars and attracts a large
number of the former during winter. Unlike the Swayambhu
stupa, the site of the Bauddha has little of the elaborate decorations.
The stupa is a central shrine around which are the dwelling houses of
the Lamas and Sherpas. The stupa is enclosed by a wall. The
base is of three successive pavements, on which the Garbha rests,
and is approached by a flight of stairs. At the corners of the terrace
stand small stupas in harmony with the main dome: they con-
tain a row of niches. All other features exactly resemble those of
Swayambhunath.

According to WaddePs information the Bauddhanath contains
relics of Buddha Kasyapa, the fifth Buddha in succession.

Such stupas are numerous in the valley, half a dozen in Kath-
mandu, a dozen in Patan and a quarter in Bhatgaon with a few more
in other townlets like Chobhar, Bungmati, Harisidhi and Thecho.
The main stupas are in Kathesimbhu, Mahabauddha, Tebahal, Yatkha
and Lagan in Kathmandu and in Nagbahal, Pimbahil and Pulchok

ANaENT NEPAL

(large Asokan stupas) and Yagbahal in Patan. Many go back to
early times, to times when the idea of representing deities in human
form was largely discountenanced. They have nothing extraordinary
about them, but Nepalese stupas betray the highest expression of a
creative genius, of a keen and sensitive mind, which was destined to
leave a rich legacy. Stupas of smaller size are called Chaityas, and
the precinct is known as Chibahal. The Chaityas again harbour the
Dhyani Buddhas like the stupas. In decoration there is not much
difference, and except in size both look alike.

The site of the stupa was originally designed so as to contain
relics in honour of the dead or a place of worship or a rendezvous for
the monks who occupied the shelters around the main shrine.
Apparently the main features of the original monastic settlement totally
disappeared by the thirteenth century A.D., when the monastic order
dwindled into comparative insignificance owing to the metamorphosis
it sustained at the hands of the Saiva reformers who bluntly subjected
the priest clas^ to the rigid influence of caste and marriage. The
present form is a large courtyard bordered by houses where live not
monks but laymen. In the centre of the western side, which faces the
stupa and reminds one of Kapilavastu, the house asumes the dimen-
sion and shape of a temple commonly of three stories, each roofed
with tiles, which rise in diminishing proportions to the uppermost roof
which supports the crownwork of a pinnacle. We shall deal later with
the style of building. For the present it suffices to note that the central
house is a tefmple and consists of the ground floor of a hall with a cage
shut in by wooden or iron bars. The image is generally a Bodhisatva
in shining bronze.

The Temples

Kirkpatrick has rightly remarked that the valley consists of as
many temples as there are houses and of as many idols as there are
men. Kathmandu is a city of temples and so are Patan and Bhatgaon.
Every inch of the sacred soil supports a shrine or an image. We have
a few specimens of temples built purely on Indian style, specially
medieval, like the Radhakrishna temple of Patan, which closely resem-
bles the buildings in Fatehpur Sikri and Rajputana. There is the
Mahabaudha temple of the same city, which was constructed on the
model of the Bodhgaya temple and looks a little awkward. Many others
of recent origin also exist in certain places. But the majority
of temples in the valley have their own individuality of design and
structure, which have no parallel in India.

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

The Nepal Style

It is a mistake to take the temple style in Nepal as one deriving
from the Pagoda style, since temples of the style existed in Nepal
earlier than elsewhere. It is, therefore, not proper to consider the
temples as derivatives and to call them Pagodas, They should enjoy
in all justice a name which is attached to the place of their birth, and
the style should be named as the Nepalese style.

At first sight the temples in Nepal look like Pagodas. The body
is a square entablature of bricks rising in diminishing proportions to a
great height, sometimes to the sixth storey, with a roof on four sides ot
the wall at each storey, which are sloping and conforming in regularly
diminishing proportions to the size of the entablature. The roofs, either of
brick tiles or of gilt copper are quadrangular and the uppermost roof is
always of gilt copper. The entablature may stand on a terraced platform
of stone and of as many stages as there are storeys, as is the case with the
Nyatpola temple. Ordinarily the entablature rests on a colonnade of
wooden pillars. The roofs are connected with the entablature by
struts, which are set up in a projection at an angle of 45'’. These
struts form in many cases symbolic images of the deities of the main
shrine. Sometimes the underparts are the object of vulgar carvings,
with ridiculous pictures of sex life, which according to superstition are
regarded necessary to resist lightning or other attacks of nature on the
temple. The cornices in the window or above the door and the outer
beams are finely decorated with elaborate carvings, rich pictographs
of deities or foliage or designs in arabesque. The windows are nearly
square and screened by a trellis ornamented by carving. They are
also provided, specially on the front side, with balconies which project
forward and give the whole window a slanting appearance. The door-
way is surmounted by an architrave with a gilt copper finial (Kalasa)
at the middle point and containing carved images of deities in bold
relief on the surface, where the principal figure, that of a mythological
Sarava, holds two serpents in his hands, to bite them off. Round
the edges of the roofs hang a series of small and thin bells with slender
clappers which a mild rush of wind sets tinkling. The interior of the
temple is as magnificent. Elaborate and beautiful carving is a com-
mon element of the decoration. The chapel occupies the hall, and
there are no rooms, and around on the smooth red bricks of the wall
are hung all sorts of vulgar collections of old swords, shields, pans,
spinning wheels, rings, jars and horns.

Wood carving has reached a very high degree of excellence in

ANCIENT NEPAL

Nepal. Every cornice, every lintel and every sill, every door, every
window and pillar have the richest decoration of images and foliage. In
point of form and style, in the perfection of control and balance, in
the high degree of technical skill manifested, in grace and beauty, they
have no rival. The images of deities in struts and doorways, the
variegated projections of arches, the ornamentation of doors with
intricate designs of flowers and fruits, gracefully tapered pillars, the
ornamental architecture — all present a most enjoyable sight to the scho-
lars and artists.

Amongst the famous buildings of the Pagoda style are the
Mahankal, Talejus, Durbar square groups, and the Matsyendranath
in Kathmandu, temples of the same name and a few others in Patan
and Nyatpola, Dattatraya and the Malla palace in Bhatgaon, with the
sacred monuments of Pasupatinath and Changunarayan in between.
The Nyatpola stands on a plinth of five platforms in tiers, the staircase
at each level provides symbolic figures as guards: first, two men having
ten times the stfength of an ordinary man; second, two elephants with
ten times more strength, then other lions and two varieties of deities
with increasing strength in the same proportion. The roofs of the
temples in Durbar Square are not curved and are of a shape and
design to resemble an umbrella. To be singled out are the magnificent
golden door of the Bhatgaon Palace and the doorway of Changunarayan,
in the most exquisite style; nowhere in the whole of Himalayan region
such richness and grandeur are visible.

Much of what has been handed to our generation is of the Malla
period, but the same draws its inspiration from the very early years of
Nepalese history. To those who attribute the style of Nepalese buildings
and architecture to Tibet or China, this may seem strange. But they would
do well to note that Chinese annals admit that the Pagoda style of
temples was unknown in China or Tibet before the 7th century A.D.
whereas every phase of it was adopted in Nepal as early as the 6th
century A.D. The Chinese Missions which visited Nepal in 646 A.D,
and 665 A.D. acclaimed the high artistic sense and taste of the Nepalese.

The stupa is a copy of its Indian prototype, but the temple is
essentially a Nepalese invention in design and structure. India has
inspired Nepalese craftsmen in many other respects, and examples of
close affinity between the architecture of the two countries are not
rare. But the Pagoda style of temple is of Nepalese origin. It is a
speciality and a grand one of the Nepalese master builder, where he
has shown himself as an adept in symmetrical planning, richness of
articulation and in happy blending of wood and bricks.

GKNERAL OBSERVATIONS

The temples of the usual Nepalese style should not be taken as
simply an embodiment of one culture. We have here to guard our-
selves against taking the style as purely Buddhist. In Nepal Buddhist
and Saivite temples exist side by side touching and brushing one another,
in perfect concord and harmony. Some have sheltered even the deities
of different sects in their chapels. This was what Hiuen Tsang (Yuan
Chwang) remarked, while he visited Nepal and a tradition has been in
progress since then to build a happy unity of cultures expressed through
artistic and architectural adaptations, which temples and sculptured
images evidence.

Not only the temples, but many of the old palaces and houses
have carved ornamentations in wood. The adoption of the temple
architecture in ordinary houses was perhaps due to these being for-
merly inhabited by monks. They have the appearance of a shrine and
the same style and serenity. Not so tall, they have yet not less than
three storeys. They are badly ventilated with thin short storeys and
small windows. Their outward appearance is impressi\<e. The three
old Palaces of the three cities with spacious halls, carved ccflumns and
brackets, courtyards, pillars, and water sprouts, remind one of the
designs so gloriously depicted in the T’ang annals.

The Nepalese images in gilt copper are also worth studying. The
delicate poise of the images, the soft outline, the serene outlook, the
simple but splendid garments make them superior to Chinese or
Japanese images of the medieval-age. Occasionally they are studded with
precious stones, coral, amber, pearls and rubies, turquoise, e*tc. Accord-
ing to S. Levi, •they have no equal. As early as the seventh century
A.D., the taste for decoration with jewels had attracted the attention of
the Chinese travellers and the later works bear the continuation of the
same craftmanship and taste. The most prominent gilt figures are of
Dipankar Buddha, Tara, Laksmi, Sarasvati and Krishna, etc. Candle-
holders, Aratipatram, and jugs used for worship are equally rich
in decorative appearance.

Sculpture

Stone work in Nepal has closely followed developments in India.
The earliest stone work, the sculptured image of Lingam in the
Pasupati temple, is a prototype of the Bharasiva L'mga in Nachna
though in detail the Nepalese sculpture had shown an ingenuity of
individual expression. But the most brilliant contribution of Nepal of
this time is the pillar work. The Lichhavis under the Gupta influence
popularised the conception of an all prevalent Deity, Siva or Visnu,

ANCJKXr NKPAL

who in abstract stood for anything, great and large, and was reduced
in concrete to a beautifully shaped massive monolith or image. Such
was the pillar of Changunarayan. The uppermost portion with the
Garuda originally shaped has now given place to a disc and a lotus.
The lower portion consisting of the shaft and the summit is, however,
unchanged, which gives us an idea of the simplicity and elegance of
the ancient sculpture. The lower part of the shaft is square but the
upper one is octagonal while the summit is round. We have also the
conventional lotus on a pillar at Harigaon, which has the same elegance
and dignified expression of later pillar works.

Amongst the very early image works, the statue of Pasuparekha
submerged on the bank of the river Bagmati, down below Pasupati-
nath, is worthy of note. The image lies partly broken; only the head is
visible. The head shows a pensive mood, eyes half-closed, face calm
and quiet. The image of Garuda at Lajimpat is another example; but
it is also damaged, in the same area at the centre is a carved image of
Vaman Visnu^over a flat Stella with his divine emblems, conch, disc,
lotus and reclining in a posture indicative of perfect equilibrium. In the
outer circle are carved in small but bold relief a group of scenes portray-
ing the whole story of his incarnation in the form of Vamana, from his
birth to the final conquest of Bali. The representation is real, spontane-
ous and free.

There are other innumerable carvings in stone, on pillars, walls
and Chaityas : the Jalasyana Visnu at Buddhanilakantha of the 6th
century A.D., the Nyatpola images, the images of Soorya and Chandra
on the gate of Siddhapokhari in Bhatgaon and in Harigaon — ^both
belonging to the 14th century, the Garuda image in front of the
Krisna temple at Patan, lions in the Kumaristhan, the pillar at Attack-
narain, the elephant with the royal group at Ranipokhari: all except a
few belong to the medieval school of Nepalese arts but look as simple
and magnificent as the earlier works. The three colossal statues of
Buddha on the way to Swayambhunath are later specimens which also
show the influence of Pala sculpture.

Painting

The Chinese have profusely spoken of the high standard of
Nepalese painting. Painting on the walls of a house in the valley was
common in those days; the custom has died down and even almost
all of the wall paintings have disappeared. Happily, painted covers

Some say that it is the image of a Kirata King.

CJENKRAL OBSERVATIONS

of manuscripts have been preserved. These works on wood-surfaces
are most brilliantly executed and contain stories from Jatakas and
the life-portraits of the eighty-four Siddhas; bear an imprint of the
high skill in drawing and colouring.

The Nepal school of painting, as also the unconventional Tibetan
painting of the Yellow Sect, is allied to the Gujrati and Pala schools
in pictorial arrangement and design. The stories, pictured in Bendall’s
manuscripts as dealt with by Dr. Coomaraswamy and reproduced by
him in his book, reveal the same influence and interfusion. The high
and thick eye-brows and the pointed lips, in the picture showing the
gift of the white elephant and in that depicting the Green Tara who
is regarded as Princess Bhrikuti reveal a keen affinity with the
Pala painting. In general they show a high technical knowledge, a
rich imagination and a realistic expression of gesture, which is a
speciality of Nepal. The colouring is remarkable.

The temple banners of a triangular shape in deep yellow or red
or green also show a like mastery of colour. The barjiers are called
Thanka; they are generally of canvas or silk, rarely or nevei^of w(X>l or
thick cotton. But Thanka does not belong to Nepal. It was adopted
in imitation of Tibetan Custom.

Gift to Asia

We have already remarked that the Pagoda style originated in
Nepal. As early as the seventh century A.D., this Qpuntry had
established diplomatic and cultural relations with Tibet and China. To
Tibet, Nepal imparted a varied and rich cultural outlook and gave her
a religion and a script. Tibetan social and religious life is partly a
Nepalese mould. Lhasa owes its existence to the Nepalese. The
stupas and chaityas, pagodas and their painted walls, monasteries and
temples with carving in wood and stone — all reveal Nepalese inspira-
tion and craftsmanship. From Tibet, Nepalese artists could carry their
mission to China and Japan, Burma and Siam, and even to Ceylon
where some at least of the old relics betray an influence of Nepalese
art. Unfortunately for us no record of these missions is available today.
But the life of A-ni-ko preserved by the Yuan history sufficiently
proves that Nepal’s contribution to art and architecture of Tibet and
China was great. A-ni-ko was a Newar who was called in by the
Emperor Kublai Khan in 1246 A.D. to build chapels and images in
China. He impressed the court with his ability and skill and received
the highest honours.

AN(3IKNr NKPAL

This is what the Yuan histoi 7 says about A-ni-ko

‘A-ni-ko quitted Nepal in 1243 A.D. in the reign of Abhayamalla
with a troupe of artists, sculptors and painters. He arrived at the
court of Kublai Khan in 1263 A.D. His journey opened a new
chapter in the history of the relation between the two countries.

‘A-ni-ko was a Nepalese, the inhabitant of the country known as
Pa-le-pou. While very young he showed signs of extraordinary intelli-
gence not to be found in ordinary children, when a little older he
could recite all the Buddhist texts by heart and could understand the
meaning of them from beginning to end. Among his school fellows
there was one who was a drawer, designer, painter, modeller and
decorator and who recited all the texts called canon of proportions.
As soon as he had heard it once, A-ni-ko was able to repeat it. A
little later nobody could excel him in designing, modelling and mould-
ing metal images. In the first year of Tchong (1260 A.C.) an order
was given to the teacher of the Emperor (Ti-che) Pa-K’o vSe-pa
(Phags-pa) foii elevating in Tibet one Pagoda in gold. One hundred
choice artists from Nepal were demanded to execute the work. Only
eighty were available. There was a need of a leader artist but none
could be found. A-ni-ko who was then only 27 asked permission to
start. There was the difficulty on account of his tender age. But
he said: I am young, my mind is not. They being allowed, therefore,
departed.

‘The teacher of the Ernperor in observing that he was being charged
with the superintendence of the work was greatly astonished. But
when accordingly the Pagoda was completely built within one year,
he was so impressed with A-ni-ko’s ability that he took him (A-ni-ko)
to China to present him to the Emperor. Before that he was also
baptised. The Emperor having observed him for a while interrogated:
‘You arrived in the celestial Empire. Do you not get frightened T
He responded: ‘Our stately trade is as a son of ten thousand countries.
For a son to arrive before his father, what reason is there to fear?’
The Emperor interrupted: ‘Why were you so?’ He replied: ‘My
fatherland is in the country of the Occident. I had received the order
of the sovereign to erect a stupa in Tibet. In two years I have
executed that order. There I have observed disorder and war, the
people are incapable of protecting their life.’ The Emperor then

^“Levi, Til 187-89; G. Tiicci, TihMan Painted Scrolls, pp. 272-89; L. Petech,
Medieval History of Nepal, pp. 99-101. The last authority bases his arp^ument
on the article of Tshida (Moko Gakuho IT, 1941, Pp. 244-60) . The funeral
inscription of A-ni-ko in village Hasiang in the district of Yuan p’ing, west of
Poking has the name spelt without r.

GENERAL OBSERV A 1 1 ON S

asked: ‘What is that you know making?' He replied: ‘I know well
how to design, model and mould metals’. The Emperor then ordered
to restore a statue of copper dedicated to the Soong Emperors.

Tn 1265 the statue was ready; the openings, the solid parts, the
veins, the channels, nothing was missing. The artists in metal were
amazed at this talent; there was not one of them but felt ashamed
and humiliated. In all the monasteries of the two imperial citadels
a large part of the statues came from his hands; also a Wheel of the
Law in iron with the seven jewels, which when the Emperor was
visiting other places was carried before him to announce his approach;
the portraits of different Emperors which he painted on silk, no other
painter could achieve his perfection. In about the tenth year of the
Tche Yuan (1274 A.C. ) he was given for first time authority supreme
over all the artists working on metal with a silver seal marked with
a tiger. In 1279, by an imperial decree, he was called back to the
state of a layman, he received different appointments, such as Con-
troller of the Court of Imperial Manufacturers, etc. He enjoyed
incomparable favour. After his death, he was granted 4K)sthumous
titles with the name of Ming-hoei (Prompt intelligence). A-ni-ko who
had married a Chinese lady left six sons, two of whom followed the
calling of their father'.

Modem Art

The Pagoda style and the A-ni-ko tradition have ceased to influ-
ence Nepalese art today. They have given place to vulgar and con-
ventional una^tistic emblems. The carving in wood is a diminishing
feature in Kathmandu, except in the temples which contain past crea-
tions. It is regrettable that the noblemen of Nepal do not think it
desirable to preserve a faint trace of our traditional art in their stately
palaces of western design: almost all the new houses in Nepal copy
western models, unartistic and pretentious.

Great was the past of Nepal, magnificent its marvels. But they
are gone. The decay after the sixteenth century A.D. is due to a
state of political disruption and anarchy. A new valuation of the
artistic and cultural aspect of life was born. The old ideal of a
unified monarchy, the ideal of cohesion and concord built on conscious
pantheism and toleration had died out. The rulers refused to act
themselves as guardians of national culture and civilisation. Embroiled
as they were in petty feuds and strifes, they lacked that broad men-
tality which was needed to keep up and weld together the various
national forces. On the other hand, they had developed a greed which

ANOIENT NEPAL

at its worst stage had not spared the very national interest. Royal
patronage to art was lacking. People lost their individuality and self-
respect. Too much reliance was put on a decadent aristocratic culture.
And this has swept away what our forefathers handed down to Us; it has
undermined the very tone of our national distinction and glory.

CHAPTER 11

EARLY NEPAL
Sources

For the history of Nepal of this period we have as sources some
inscriptions and foreign accounts but they exist only for the period
after the third century A.D. The earlier part of the history has had
to be, therefore, referred to the accounts of the chronicles called
Vamsavalis in Nepal, of which there are altogether three in our
hands including the more authoritative find of Captain Kirkpatrick.
Hindu mythological works available in the plains have almost without
exception left Nepal out of their elaborate discourse. Only a few of
them have passing reference, but these are quite unhelpful for our
purpose in as much as they relate to the very dawn of the Nepalese
history, and no amount of efforts would facilitate their* verification.
The value of the chronicles on that account is so great that although
the narrative is fantastic yet as the only available material for the
period under review, they are indispensable. We shall now proceed
to consider the extent to which the references in Purana and the
Vamsavalis provide a source for the history of our period from 600 B.C.
to 450 A.D.i

Before considering the authenticity or otherwise of the chronicles,
let us now refer to some other treatises belonging to the Indian plains as
different from those traced in the Nepal valley proper. But as we have
also a small Puranic literature originating in Nepal, let us, at the outset,
deal with the same here. We have two principal treatises of this type
apart from many others which give only brief references. These two,
the Nepal Mahaimya and Swayambhu Purana, have extensively dealt
with the description of the Nepal valley, but like other sources of the type
they are valueless for our purpose. The dynasties of rulers they purpose
to show seem as much fictitious as those of the chronicles. The earliest
reference to Nepal is in Kautilya’s Arthasastra where the author talks of
a woollen Nepali blanket to have been selling in Pataliputra.- Attharva-

^ Wright, Uistory of Aeffal. Translated from the Varnsavali, 1867; Captain
Kirkpatrick, Account of the Kingdom of Nepal: Sylvaiii Levi. Le Nepal,, Vols. 11, III,
and I'amsaifalis’ in possession of some individuals in Kathmandu; Bcudall’s find of
the chronicles in 3 parts tailed the Gopala Hajvamsavali,

* Kautilya : Asiaplauti Sanghah*a Krsnahhhigisi Varsaharana Mapasarha
iti naipalikam (Arthasastra 2 Adlnkarana 11 Adhyaya 30 Prakarana) .

ANCIENT NEPAL

Paristha has placed Nepal alone with Udumbara and Kamrupa (Weller,
IncL Studien, VIII, 413, X, 319). In the Brihatkatha Paichasi of
Gunadya there is a line about one Raja Yasaketu who was ruling in
the city of Siva in Nepal adesha (Somadeva, Kathasartisagara, XII, 22,
V. 3; Ksemendra, Bhhat Kathamanjari , IX, V, 728). In the sixth
century A.D. Varahamihira has mentioned Nepal along with certain
other hill principalities (Levi, 11 , p. 63). Bharata’s Natyasastrci has
also a like reference (XIII, 32). The Mulasarvastivada-vinaya which
was traced out by I-tsing in 7(>0 A.D. gives a story about how Buddha
persuaded some of his disciples not to enter Nepal, as in his conception
the country was impassable, and full of ferocious tribes (Levi, 11, p.
181). But all these references arc as much inadequate in points of
historical data as they relate to persons and places not identified, and
therefore, the whole trend of findings as to the chronology and incidents
is inconclusive. It may be noted here that the first reference to the
country by its name in Nepalese records is‘^ available in an inscription of
Visnugupta dated Samvat 64, where the expression used is Nepala
bhubhujo, ,

The only source of information for the very early period of
Nepalese history is the group of chronicles which we have already
referred to in the beginning. These serve as excellent materials so
far as they provide a clue, however defective, to the chronology of the
period. The long list of names appearing like an unbroken chain is
a very valuable contribution of the chronicles towards framing a chrono-
logy. But v.n fortunately these lose much of their significance in view
of their undue emphasis on the numerical strength of the genealogy,
which they have pushed to a limit unwarranted by facts. They suffer
mainly from inaccuracy of dates and inexactitude of regnal years which
have been carelessly inserted to render the whole work fantastic and
consequently unreliable. The very basis of a factual chronology is
undermined under a false notion that the history of a country
has had to be connected with the episode of the Mahabharata,
if it had to inspire faith and reverence in the readers in respect
of the country’s past achievement. But this gave a result which proved
itself on verification basically wrong, as it involved undesirable mani<
pulation of names and years contrary to all factual presentation. An
analysis of the account of the Vamsavalis shows beyond doubt that
they have allotted fictitiously long years of rule, introduced imaginary
dynasties, reversed the order of succession and sacrificed contempora-

* Gnoii : Nepalese Inscriptions in Cupla characters, LXl, p. 81.

EARLY NEPAL

neity of events to effect a >\’rongly detailed adjustment.^

In two places the error has been, too glaringly manifest to escape
our notice, which may be taken as almost a general example of chrono-
logical fantasy. Here we find that Amsuvarman who according to Hiuen
Tsang (Yuan ChwangJ flourished in about the time he visited India
figures in the list of those who ruled the valley some seven hundred years
earlier.

According to the chronicle he ascended the throne in 3100 years
past Kaliyuga corresponding to 101 B.C., whereas his inscriptions
have put that date in between 568-613 A.D. In the same strain all
events preceding and following Amsuvarman have been wholly mis-
plac’ed earlier than warranted by factual evidence, though the diver-
gence of years seems to narrow down as the chronology approaches
the thirteenth century A.D. But there too it is only a case of narrow-
ing down and misplacement does not disappear, as in many instances
contemporaneity has been sacrificed to fill the gap, and the two rulers
who should have come in one place at the same time come one after the
other. This method of juxtaposition and transposition Tba^ been very
generally followed by the chroniclers for almost every period of the
Nepalese history.

Of course, the chroniclers were hard put to it to follow such a
course of action. As inadequacy in the numerical strength of the
ruling dynasties would have it, they had to resort to a process of filling
by imaginary dynasties, but this also not being widely possible they
thought to mend matters by remoulding the entire order. So they
lengthened reign periods, and the order of contemporary names was
entirely recast to make them succeed one after the other. It follows
that the chronicles have generally allotted sixty or seventy years to
one reign, and in one particular instance, for six successors of Amsu-
varman, a reign of hundred years each, an instance of exaggeration, which
beat down all the cases of fantastic enumeration. In this strain even a
few fictitious dynasties of rulers had to be introduced, and the most pro-
minent example of such insertion is provided by the Ayodhya stock
which is indisputedly proved to be only a product of the chronicler’s
imagination. Likewise the Ahirs, the successors of the Guptas, whose
contemporaneity with some notable Indian Princes of the period has been
incontrovertibly established by the Manjusrimulakalpa and local inscrip-
tions, were put in the early years of Kaliyuga some three thousand years
earlier.

"Levi, II. Ch. IT: lA, XIII, 412t: lA. XIV. 345 ft; Kirkpatrick, 200 ft;
Hamilton, Ch. IV; Wright, Ch. I; lA, VIII, p. 89.

ANCIKN T NEPAL

Notwithstanding these errors the Vamsavalis have invariably sup-
plied names in regard to the history of the period, which had to go
without them for lack of authentic materials given by the inscriptions
or foreign accounts as the case may be. To this extent they have proved
immensely helpful to the historian of Nepal.'^a

Incidentally as far as the research material available up to date
is concerned, there is little glimpse into the time in question in
inscriptions or available narratives. These are traced to belong to a
very late period of our history to the 4th century A.D., and as such
one has to depend exclusively on the chronicles for the history of the
entire period previous to that century. Our conclusions, therefore, are
independent of the universally acknowledged evidence of inscriptions
or like data for the history of that period.

We may note here that all the Puranas except the Swayambhu
which is a very recent product have maintained cryptic silence in regard
to the history of Nepal.*"^ It is possible that the absence of any sort
of mention in these might have been due to ignorance about the coun-
try which,* because of the insurmountable barriers of the mid-Himalayan
ranges, was virtually closed to outsiders for a very long time. The
chronicles have tried to trace the history of Nepal to the very early
years of world history, but in the absence of authentic records, the
account they produce loses much of its significance as far as it remains
to be corroborated by factual evidence. Yet there is no other way
save to form an outline of the early history on the materials supplied
by them, and we have to guard ourselves against taking very seriously
the order of events they have so laboriously presented. In any case
some anecdotes have come as a link between important events of
proved reliability, and we have used them in probable details as we
give the following narrative for the dawn of Nepalese history and
culture.

The Dawn

The chronicle begins the history of the Nepal valley from the
time when it was totally submerged under water. It is said in Buddhist
chronicles that at the dawn of Satyayuga there was a self-grown lotus
in the middle of the lake, which flowering later on transformed itself into
a hillock. This was the very God appearing on earth, and the great

The chronicles though all of them agreeing on tfie main point of chrono-
logical order do differ in details, but this alone does not make any difference
as to their utility as historical treatises. Some of them have also pursued a
particular theme in the story of a deity which differs from the one to the other.

" vSwayamhhu Purana was written at the titxie of Yaksamalla (latter half of
the 15th century).

i ARI.V XKPAL

Vipaswi Buddha and Viswa Buddha were attracted to the valley
mainly on that score. But they could not dry the land, which was
left to Manjusri Bodhisatva who cut the gorge in Chobahar, and thus
dried the lake. This Boddhisatva was responsible for humanising the
valley, and the first settler was the Gauda King whose descendants
ruled for a long time. The chronicles assert that Nepal under these

rulers had maintained occasional intercourse with India and Ceylon

which helped this country to build up trade and commerce. The last
descendant of the Gauda emigrant lost his possession to the King
Dharamdutta of Kanchi.

The Saivitc Vamsavolis proceed to depict another stage of the valley
under water which was caused by the furious demon Devasur who was
later on killed by Lord Krisna. The lake again was emptied, and
human life returned with the coming of the Matatirtha dynasty of
Nemi who is said to have given the name Nepala to the country.

Here both the types of chronicles bring in the Ahir dynasty to succeed

the Matatirtha rulers, but we shall see that the Ahir dyn^^sty belongs to
another period, some one thousand years^^ later. •

With that exception the legend has passed as a historical narra-
tive for an account of the dawn of the Nepalese history. The part
of the account where mythological figures are given prominent role
may appear only a fantasy, but as genealogical research has shown,
the valley of Kathmandu was at one time simply a lake. Much below
the surface of the land some leaves and petals almost fossilised have
been traced, which again points to the existence of a plant life before
the submersiom If originally the valley w^as a lake the petals in the
subterranean region do only indicate the valley being under water for
the second time.

Tlw Kirata Dynasty

After the Neminites, the valley came in the possession of the
Kirata tribes who had invaded the country from the east. It is said
that the first part of the country to come under them is the present
site of Thankot. It, however, appears that the capital Matatirtha being
situated in this area, Thankot was the last exploit of the Kiratas. As
is natural in the case of an invasion from the east, the penetration
might have begun at a point near Sanga, and ended with the western-
most point at Thankot.

The Va/nsavalis bring in the Ahir Dynasty in between the Nemin-

•* The same Neminites according to Wright's authority were of the stock
of Chandravansis.

ANCIENT NEPAL

ites and Kiratas, but as we have already observed, it is a wrong pre-
sentation, the Ahirs on all evidences being a group of late comers
whose association with the history of Nepal begins from the late fifth
century A.D.

The first date of the Kiratas must occur near about the 7th century
B.C., although the chronicles put them in 3100 B.C., the initial
year of the Kaliyuga.

The history of the Kirata period and for a few centuries thereafter
goes so far without any inscriptions, colophones and coins and similar
other reliable data. It is entirely based on chronicles. Inscriptions
begin only from the middle of the fifth centry A.D. Till then, the
writing of history has to be done on the basis of the statements of
the chronicles, we have already quoted as sources. Howsoever incom-
plete and inadequate and sometimes confusing as source materials for
a great many centuries of history, they are unavoidable. But it must
be known that we are here just treading for an unknown region with
an uncertain and complicated genealogy.

The Kirata tribe occupies at present the portion of the eastern
territories of Nepal, between the rivers Sunkosi and Arun. Nothing
is known about these people in relation to ancient Nepal beyond the
vague estimate of the Nepalese chronicles. But it has been inferred
that the Kiratas spoken of by the Vamsavalis and legends were an
offshoot of the tribe now living in that part of the country called
Kiratadesa. As a section of the Newars happen to be the oldest inha-
bitants of the valley, their identity with the historical Kiratas as their
own descendants may not appear far-fetched. Some scholars, and
amongst them Hamilton, have identified Newars with the Khat Bhoti-
yas implying thereby the Tibetan origin of this people, but except on
some common linguistic features the conclusion seems to have been
too far-fetched. It will suffice to note here that the very antiquity of
the Newars is a proof of identification and close affinity of the two
communities and we may state with much surety that the references
about Kiratas in Mahabharata {II, 1089) and Ramayana (IV, 26D)
are implied for the Newars and similar set of peoples* inhabiting the
north-east Himalayas.

The Fre-Kirata Period

As we have observed earlier the Brahmanas and Upanisadas, and
the Epics and Puranas do not throw any light on Nepal or its condi-
tion in ancient time. We have found the same attitude in the

" J B K S, 1938, ai ticle by Dr. Juyaswal.

KARLY NEPAL

Jatakas and Nikayas and there is complete silence as to this
country^. The Mahabharata occasionally refers to it but not under
a name by which it is known today. The great Epic calls the country
as Kiratadesa, But from this no idea about the location of the coun-
try can be formed. On the other hand it may give the impression
that the Kiratadesa is not the valley of Kathmandu, as we have a
country of that name in the extreme east of the Himalayan range.^
Also in the list given by the Brahmanas and Upanishads, Nepal does
not find a place, as will appear below :

Gandhara

2. Kaikeya

Madra

Usinara

5. Matsya

Kuru

Panchala

8. Kashi

Kosala

10 .

Videha.

(Rai Chaudhury, p.

49),

The list gives a country near about Hardwar, but no territory
beyond that is signified, thus the compiler is ignoring one of the most
important part of the Himalayas.

From various discourses it is now gathered that af^er the Maha-
bharata War, the centre of the activity shifted from K»rudesa to
Videha,’^‘ In its palmy days the Kingdom of Nepal occupied the por-
tion of territory between the river Gandak and river Sunkosi and its
southern boundary touched the outward stretch of the Terai at the lower
reaches. There is no precise evidence whether Videha included the
Himalayan ridges as well.

It would appear that in the above account we have not noticed the
principality of the Sakya clan with their capital of Kapilavastu with
which the present Taulihawa in west Nepal terai has been identified.

Kapilavastu was tiny dependent state under the hegemony of the
King of Kosala whose capital Sravasti was not very far from the border
of the Sakyan country. Sakyan Kapilavastu covered an area around
the capital city, a portion of which now lies within the present frontiers
of Nepal on that side.^’

Kapilavastu had nothing to do with Nepal as it features in ancient
history. It harboured a people that was definitely not of Kirata origin.
The language it spoke was Pali in common with countries in North India,
unlike Nepal where the people spoke a type of Indo-Mongoloid dialect.

“Levi, II, pp. 175 ff.

® There are two districts of the name incorporating the regions between

river Tama Kosi and river Dudh Kosi.

i^Ramayana, 1, 71, 3; Vayu Piirana 89, 25: Gaina Uttara Adda Yaas,

S. B. E., XLV, 97 ; Majhimanikaya, II. 74-83.

A thick stone pillar, of the shape and size of Asokan pillars of I.innbini and
Niglihaba, has been unearthed at a place called Gottihaw\a, about 3 miles south
west of Taulihawa (ancient Kapilavastu) .

Kapilavastu ceased to exist after the death of Buddha. Since his
time we do not hear anything of the Sakyan principality as a separate
unit.

It is difficult to say what territorial units lay in the tracts, now known
as the Gandak Pradesh on the side of Nepal. Was it a part of Kosala?
h might as well be a part of Videha.

But it would not be entirely incorrect to attempt to establish a
link between Videha and Nepal, if what we have drawn as to the
identity of the Newars with the Kiratas is not incorrect, for not only
the link in the time of the Lichhavis but the nearness of the valley of
Kathmandu to that region might prove as well that there was, at least,
a rough line of collaboration between the two countries from a very
ancient time.

The Kirata Rulers

There were three main hordes of Kiratas, which invaded the
valley in the course of three centuries preceding the beginning of the
history of Nepal, which we have fixed at C 700 B.C., and of which the
first and second definitely preceded that year and the third, the last
of them, seems to have settled down during that century. The names
of the Kings appearing in the Vamsavalis, 29 in number, which I have
given herewith show a close affinity with the modern tribal appendage
of the present day Kiratas, e.g. Kulung, Thulung, etc., which bears a
close resemblance to Yellung forming the name of the last stock
migrating into the valley of Kathmandu. It may also be noted here
that the NeVari name for Patan, Yellai, is no doubt a changed form
of Yellung and implies the earliest assocation of that* town with the
Newars who were most probably the Yellung Kiratas themselves.

The time assigned to the twenty-nine rulers by the Vamsavalis
which amounts to 1118 years seems, however, a gross exaggeration
(according to Levi 1178 and 1581 according to Kirkpatrick) as has
been already hinted as also the attempt to place them in 1739 B.C.
This of all the exaggerated estimates is yet the least corroborated item
and to the contrary has been disproved with reference to the time of
Gautama Buddha (600 B.C.). Taking the dynasty as one with a
regular and unbroken period of reign and ascertaining the total at the
average rate of 25 years for each reign we have 25 x 29 equal to
725 years. On the basis of the date of Asoka’s visit, which we may
put roughly in the year 240 and which according to the chronicles

^^AIk>iU As< 3 kirs entry in the valley, the Rock Kdict No. 13 cloe.s not mention
Nepal in the list of the countries visited by him (Smith, E. H., pp. 365-66) ; but the
pillars and Stupas in Nepal point out that he visited the valley (JBORS, ibid,

KARLY NEPAL

was also the year of Sthumko, the fourteenth of the Kirata line, we
may take the early 6th century B.C. as the initial period of the Kirata
rule. It, however, does not seem proper to include the two names
omitted by Kirkpatrick for although there was a Kirata revival during
the last reign of the first Lichhavi dynasty, it is not at all certain that
the revival was affected by the Yellung Kiratas. It is possible that
the revival in question signified a series of raids carried out by a
ferocious tribe rather than any event of historical importance.

The following is the list of names according to the Vamsavalis :

WRIGHT

KIRKPATRICK

LEVI

1 1 IHASPRAKAS^^

1. Yalambara

Yellung

Yalamba

Yalambhang

2. Pavi

Pambi

Yauchihang

3. Skandhara

Dush Khan

Dhaskan

Skandhahang

4. Valamba

Ballancha

Valamba

Balambhang

5. Hriti

Kingly

Hritti

Hritihang

G. Humati

Hunanter

Humati

Humatihang

7. Jiiadesi

* T uskah

Galimja

Jitadastihang

8. Galimja

Sroopust

J itadesi

Galinjhang

9. Piiska

Gitadeslry

Tuska

d’liska, Indraji)

Kuskahang

10. Suyarma

Punchem

Suyarna

vSuyaswah^ng

11. Pava

Kingking King

Parba

Parbahang

12. Bunka

Soonand

Pancha

(Thouka)

Panchhang

13. Swananda

14. Sthunka

Thomoo

Jaghru

Kcmkc
|KI»J, 32)

Kikehang

1 hiiukohang

15. Gighri

Janreo

Thumko

Gidhrihang

16. Nane

Suenkeh

Nane

Nanyahang

17, Luk

Thoor

Luk

Lukehang

18. Thora

Thamoo

Thora

Thorhang

19. Thoko

, Burmah

Varma

Thokohang

20. Varma

Gunja

Brahmahang

21. Guja

22. Puskara or

Kuskkoon

Puniska

Gimjahang

Puska^*

Teeshoo

Gumja

Puskahang

23. Kesu

Sooghree

Kesuhang

24. Suja

Joosha

Siinsa Sunga

Sungahang

25. Sansa

Gontho

Sammu,

Samsu

Sansahang

26. Gunam

Khemboo

Gunam,

Gunja

Ganjahang

p. 2G()) . Moiialian disbelieves llie annal altogether. {Early History of fiettoal,
p. 221) . He might have or might not have visited the valley, t he chain
of pillars and stupas northwards from Pataliputra connecting the foot of the
Himalayas, is not a dear proof of his vwit, hut shows at least the direction
his message had travelled. And if the stupas in the valley which on all eviden-
ces happen to be associated with Asoka were to come as a determmant, we
shall not be wrong to e.stablisli the fact of his visit.

^*Froni a chronide lying in Mrigasthali, Itihas Prakash. 1, 133.

Dr. ]aya.swal believes that Sungas also exercised sovereignty over Nepal
(p. 261). He does so on the basis of silver coins dug out from Western Nepal
(Almora C>>ins, JBORS, XX, p. 301). The Sungas might have cxerased their
Sovereignly during the reign of Piiska.

ANUlKN 1 iSIEPAL

t>4

WRIGHT KIRKPATRICK

27. Khimbu Gully Jung

28. Patuka
21 ).

LEVI / TIHA SPRA KAS

Simbu Swanandhang

Pimbuhang
Gastihang

An attempt is being made to identify certain images as belonging
to the Kirata age of our history. By this, they want to establish the
fact of Kirata rule in the Valley of Nepal.

A legend of the modern Kiratas tries to connect the history of their
early rule over the valley with the population in the areas at the middle
reaches of the Bramhaputra and its westerly tributaries in Assam,
which had another settlement of the Kiratas in antiquity. The entire
expanse of territory from the Bramhaputra to the Gandak was popu-
lated by the Kiratas who had ousted the aborigines.

Whatever that be, this much is certain that the early history ot
Nepal was associated intimately with the Indo-Mongoloid people.

The possibility of a horde of Kirata invaders making their way
to the Nepal valley through the course of the Bagmati appears very
near to facts. -

It was'not merely an attack by a few warriors who had successfully
beat down local resistance. The fact that the Kiratas had dominated

even culturally by way of introducing their linguistic hegemony shows
that something wide and comprehensive had come to affect the texture
of social life in the valley of Nepal.

Surely it must have been a tribal expansion that swamped our
country at the time. Not only the ruling tribal heads, but also their
warriors, peasants and artisans might have constituted the hordes of
emigrants. In the valley of Nepal the new entrants had accosted a
people of mixed Austroid and Dravida blood, who had their own type
of primitive culture.

We have no idea of their life and society. But the Newari language
and culture shows certain features that are distinctly pre-Mongoloid.
The Kirata emigrant certainly overwhelmed them, but the lower strata
of them had also been in turn submerged with the toiling humanity of
the land.

If the identification of the Newars with the oldest emigrants, the
Kiratas of the legend, is correct, then in that case the Kirata rule may
pass for a real self rule of the indigenous people. But this will be to
stretch the imagination too far. The Kirata tribe on the understanding
that it is the same as a section of the Newars was the ancestor of all those
residents in the valley who betray Indo-Mongoloid features. But they

TL Ppr78T9na^ Jb7)Rs 7 XXIT, Part III, Pp. 260-61. Wright,
p. 100, Kirkpatrick, p. 259 ; lA, XIIT, P. 412.

EARLY NEPAL

do not form a majority in that region, and any variation can safely be
attributed to the non-Mongoloid emigrants from the Indian plains. As a
minority the Indo-Aryan stocks might not have entered the valley in
hordes, but a few families of conquerors seem to be the inevitable choice,
who might have lived in regular state of inter-marriage with the van-
quished. The original settlers, like the Austroids and Dravidians
formed the bulk of the populace, to which the mixed Kirata section was
added. We find therefore, little truth in the statement that the valley of
Nepal had ceased to enjoy self rule as soon as the Kiratas disappeared
from the scene as rulers. Even otherwise this is not wholly true, for
all the rulers from the earliest time to the present day, though neverthe-
less emigrants from the plains, had completely identified themselves
with the ruled. The legend speaks all of them as Newar rulers, and
the popular belief handed to the present generation does not confirm
otherwise. Accidentally the ruling families since the Kiratas had been
those who had claimed Indian caste of Ksatriya without exception.

The Lichhavi Dynasty •

The chronicles do not mention the Lichhavi dynasty as to have
belonged to the Nepalese throne. They note the dynasties of the Moon
and the Sun known as Chandravansis and Suryavansis. But only one
authority, the Gopala Raja Vansavali has noted the Lichhavi dynasty of
the solar race to have entered Nepal after conquering the Kiratas (f.
19b). ITie chroniclers provide genealogy of the rulers coming one after
the other. These are so confusing that no one stock is distinctly identi-
fied. Each cop-tains an interfusion on that score and this is all the more
galling. The very early dynasty is linked with the recent one, and blood
relationship is established between those who do not share anything com-
mon excepting the throne they occupied. Out of so many chronicles only
one authority, that of Kirkpatrick, has given a list which approximates
the probable numerical strength of the royal genealogical order, but even
that suffers from numerous irregularities, and cannot be accepted witliout
amendment. But we have, absolutely no use of the chronicles at this stage
of the Nepalese history except that the list of Suryavanasis may be passed
for the Lichhavis who ruled Nepal for about eight hundred years
with short breaks at regular intervals.

According to the inscriptions and a few reliable authorities like
Manjusri Mulakalpataru and Sumatitantra it is now unanimously ascer-
tained that the period of Nepalese history from the early years of the
Christian era down to the end of the eigth century was the Lichhavi
period, and there is no reason to accept the classification of the chronicles

ANCIENT NEPAL

which omits the Lichhiavis altogether.

Except Kirkpatrick’s authority all other chronicles give a dynasty
naming it Somavansis as successors of Kiratas, which includes Bhaskar-
varman and his predecessors. Bhumivarman is given a new dynasty
to begin with, which they designate as the Sooryavansis. This classifica-
tion as already referred to is inadmissible, as according to other data
we have a continuity of a single regnal dynasty in this period. Kir-
kpatrick’s authority, however, puts the lists together, and is more reliable.

Kuveravarman Kakavarman Pusparekha

Bhaskaravarman Chandravarman Bhumivarman

Jayavarman is given as a successor of Chandravarman but the
Inscription no I. places him at the initial stage of Lichhavi rule, if he is
identified with Jayadeva I; so we have again the same confusing items of
statement.

Here the main problem is to present an arrangement fixing regnal
data for the names mentioned in the chronology. In the next instal-
ment we will deal with all the debatable points and try to ascertain
factual dates for these in relation to more reliable records other than
the chronicles available to us.

The period beginning after the fall of the Kiratas to the accession
of the Lichhavis whose identity has been proved with reference
to the inscriptions (1 & 15)^^'* is being called the dark period of the Nepa-
lese history (Jayaswal, p. 261). Indeed as far as reliable data are
concerned, this particular period is conspicuous by their absence. But
so far no attempt has been made to improve on the usually vague
interpretation of the epoch-year of the era of the earlier inscriptions.
Our historians with the exception of Levi have all fixed the epoch-year
at some period after the second century A.D., which complicated the
whole situation by creating a gap in the royal chronology for that period.
We are not entering into the merits or justifiability of these opinions at
this stage; this we have reserved for a subsequent discussion, but there is
no doubt that on the epoch-year being pushed earlier to somewhere in
the early first century A.D., the gap is readily filled up. The chronicles
come to our rescue in regard to this particular information as they not
only supply a list of names in adequate numerical strength, but also
delineate events which indirectly explain the cause of the silence of the
above inscriptions about them. It is quite possible that the author of
the inscriptions thought it ijnproper to mention names which did not

Dr. Indraji probably ascribes the style to the (iuptan period, or tOt the
one just after, when comparing it with the Mathura and Bhilsa lingas. The
shrine of Pasiipati came under the Saivas since that time (IGfi).

EARLY NEPAL

belong to an independent period of Nepalese history. According to the
chronicles, the kings lost independence from the initial period of their
occupation on account of Indian invasions which probably meant Kushan
encroachment. As the coinage of the period which has a great resem-
blance to the Yuluchi coinage shows, the influence exerted from India
was not insignificant. On this understanding the so-called dark age will
give continuity to the history and chronology of ancient Nepal.

The actual point in discussion, however, is the very basis fixing
a datum as to the various names from the end of the Kushan rule down
to Vrsadeva whose reign we have pushed to 350 A.D. or so, following
the observation of the inscriptions. It appears by an average
calculation of the regnal periods of the fifteen kings after Asoka
that the Kirata rulers were no. longer ruling in the valley dur-
ing and after the fifties of the first century A.D. The calcula-
tion has proceeded under the assumption that the average reign of each
is 20 years, and that Asoka had visited the valley in the year 240 B.C.
From 50 A.D. to 350 A.D. i.e., for a period of three^ hundred years,
Nepal seems to have lost its independent status under regular domination
from Pataliputra except for a brief interval at the very initial period
under Jayadeva I, which explains the omission of many names from the
list of the inscriptions. The Lichhavis had probably migrated into the
valley during the early years of Kushan rule out of fear of invasion, and
had found easy shelter there on account of the withdrawal of the Sungas
who had to give in to the Kushans. But they were pursued even in the
fastness of the sub-Himalayan region, and consequently, they had to
surrender the •valley as well. It is possible that the remaining portion
of the Lichhavis in Vaisali were wiped out or migrated elsewhere along-
side. As coins in the name of Kadphises I and II, which were dug
out in the valley support the conjecture, it is much probable that these
two Kushan Emperors had Nepal under their control.^' The Kushan
Kings had their capital at Samath, while they had established a vice-
royalty in North Bihar, and the nearness of the valley of Nepal to North
Bihar was what probably brought the country under Kushan domination
at their time.

After the Kushans came the Satabahanas in the domain of Patali-
putra. But while Kushan coins were dug out in the valley, for the
Satabahana influence there is no trace of evidence so that their rule in
the valley seems an improbability and this was perhaps because they
controlled Magadha only for a short time (Jayaswal, History, 150-350

Walsh, fRAS, 1908/ p. 677; V. Smith, Catalogue of Indian coins, p. 179;
Rapson, Indian coins, pp. 10, 32 (I.A.Ph. and after Tunuskunda) ; Cunningham,
CAI. p. 12.

ANCIKNT NEPAL

A.D., p. 113). Similarly the probability of Yaudheya rule seems remote
on account of the distance intervening between the two countries.

We have a piece of evidence for the history of this period from a
book called Sumatitantra which will be referred to in another
connection. The evidence it notes appears to relate to the main cur-
rent of Indian history, but as Manadeva is put in that list as to have
followed the predecessors, amongst whom the chronicle mentions
Nandas and Maury as, the inference that certain rulers in Pataliputra
were recognised as overlords in the valley may not be entirely inadmis-
sible and to this Asoka’s entry into the valley and the existence of
Kushan coins therein may lend some colour.

The Bakataka kings who destroyed the Kushan rule seem to have
wielded a good deal of influence in the valley. It was not, however,
in the field of politics or by way of aggrandizement that the influence
was made felt. The penetration rather came through cultural contact
with Pataliputra where the Bakatakas had shifted in that century. The
valley of Nepal in those days, as naturally under the non-Brahmanic
Kiratas andoLichhavis and under the Kushans who seem to have pro-
pagated ritualistic Buddhism with wonderful figures, in wood carvings
and sculptures, obeyed the tenets of Buddhist religion. But as soon as
the Bharasivas and Bakatakas ousted the Kushans, there was an all
round revival of Saivite faith. Nepal did not stand isolated from the
touch of this revival. Perhaps the revival of the cult of Pasupati under
Pasuparekhadeva was the symbolic expression of that religious rege-
neration. According to the legend, the sanctuary of Pasupatinath was
at one time controlled by the Buddhists and the image then set up was
a Bodhisatva. But after the Lichhavis were converted into Saivite
worship possibly during this reign, the cult of Bodhisatva as the state
patronised religion disappeared from the court, though the general
population by a huge majority had still adhered to the old system.
Apart from the cult of Siva, the influence of art and sculpture was also
very striking. The image of Pasupati has a close resemblance to its
prototype Mukhalinga of that age in Nachna (PI. I, x and xi, JBORS,
1933, p. 218). The four faces of the Linga are ingrafted on a hard
stone appearing as jutting forth from the surface though very impercep-
tibly and with the hands shown with Rudraksa beads, which is quite
in tune with the facial projecture. The image forms on the whole a
beautiful masterpiece of the early third century sculpture (K.P.J., ibid,
Pp. 161-62; lA, XIII, p. 113).^»

^®The original Linga now lies amidst ruins of a temple near the Sanctuary
in front of the Western gate.

EARLY NEPAL

In Nepal there is a dearth of ancient monuments dating as far
back as the period in review, most of them having been demolished
in course of centuries; but the phallus image of Pasupatinath has an
importance of its own to have outlived those ruinous ages and if properly
interpreted may shed some lustre on the contemporary history of that
period. The Anka coins of Manadeva and Gunakamadeva have also
resemblance with the Vikramanka coins of Chandra Gupta 11.^*'

One such historical association which the image maintains has
rendered it easier to correct the genealogical chart of the chronicles as
it stands there. If Pasuparekha, the founder of the Pasupati temple,
be identified as belonging to the Bakataka period, a large part of the
blank page of the Nepalese history can thus be filled up. In this case
Jayavarman, as hinted, should be transferred to the very earliest place
at the head of the dynasty. Jayadeva I is identified with him and as
such he must be given as near a place to Nimisha, the founder of the
dynasty in Nepal, probably intended for Jayadeva himself who was the
first Lichhavi. It should be borne in mind that Nimisha is a corrupt
form of Lichhavi (Nichhivi, Nimishi) which is supported by Kirkpa-
trick's authority (page 260) in calling the dynasty ‘'Nivesit”.-^^ Nimisha
comes some twenty generations before Vrsadeva and on the allotment
of 15 or 16 years for each generation, his date coincides with that of
Jayadeva I, rendering identification almost factual.-’ Now from the
evidence of the Bakataka images, the same conclusion can be arrived
at. Pasuparekha occurs in the fourth generation and taking some fifty
years at the interval between Jayadeva I and the Kirata r-evival he can
be placed without doubt in the beginning of the third century A.D. His
father Kuveravarman might have seized the domain after the Kushan
withdrawal.--

The five or six names belonging to the first branch of the Lichhavi
dynasty must thus precede the date of Vrsadeva of the second list so
that the whole may textually agree with the numerical strength of the
entire list. The names previous to Kakavarman should come from the
front portion of the second list and placed earlier to Vrsadeva,

After the end of Kushan rule, India was overrun by a new wave of
religious and cultural awakening amongst the people, which was further
pushed and extended with unwavering zeal by the Saiva Guptas who
had now freed the court from its age long attachment to Buddhism,

'‘'CIM. p. 281, Levi IL p. 108.

““ JBORvS, OP. Lit. V. 258.

^^tVright, pp. 113 ff.

““ The list contains, besides Kuveravarman. persons like Kakavarman,
Pushavarman, Bhaskarvarman and Jayavarman.

ANGIENT NEPAL

But Nepal had so far remained aloof from the major current of revivalist
forces working in the plains, and here unlike in India the court was
the first to be affected by these changes. The result was that Buddhism
never ceased to influence Nepalese social life, even at its worst, and
with the Saivite revival it worked out a novel form of union between
the two faiths. Nepal had thus shaken off sectarianism from the very
early period of its history and could develop a distinct mode of worship
peculiar to itself.

How the court was metamorphosed under Saivite influence is shown
by a legend of Sankaracharya which wrongly brings the southerner to
indicate the revival at the time of King Sankaradeva, the son of Vrsadeva
(lA, XIII, p. 95 ff), who was earlier a confirmed Buddhist and whose
emblem as such in his dedication of a trident at the altar of Pasupati
stands till today so prominent but in the form of a Saivite metamor-
phosis. Till the time of Pasupadeva, Buddhism had not ceased to be
popular in the court, as individual Kings extended their support and
patronage to it alongside Hindu revivalist culture. But this flourishing
of two mod^s of worship side by side paved the way for interfusion
between the two, and we find that the spirit of isolationism so long
attached to Buddhism in the valley now evaporated. The culture, and
the belief thus emerging were supported by a state of amity and concord
amongst the followers of both sects, who completely subscribed to this
unified cult of worship. Since then the feud once so common in the
camps died a natural death, and the valley of Kathmandu was purged
of the evils of sectarianism. This was, however, not a product of this
particular age. The process of amalgamation which had started since
the days of Asoka had only reached a happy culmination at that period.
At the interval it was nurtured and nursed by other teachers, and it
ended in a happy synthesis in the revivalist age. But unlike the past it
was, now, not a partial amalgamation. While the court alone in the
earlier age happened to be influenced by Saivite cult the people remain-
ing aloof from the main current of earlier renaissance, this time the
revival affected the whole populace, and the animist mass of the people
with the Buddhist middle layer, underwent a rejuvenation through the
interfusion of the two modes of worship. The present day blend of
Saivite and liuddhist cultures originates from the Gupta Revivalist
movement.

That the people unhesitatingly adopted the common culture at
that time is obvious from various inscriptions where Sivamargi Kings have
tendered their homage to Buddha and other Mahayanist deities and
vice versa, which shows the harmonious relation between the followers

EARLY NEPAL

of the two sects. It may be added here that the other vehicle of Bud-
dhist worship, the Hinayana, was equally respected till the seventh
century A.D.

The Gupta renaissance in India was preceded by a very glorious
period of events and achievements in Nepal, which was responsible
for giving a lift to the Guptas later on in the Indian history (JRAS,
1881, p. 55). The person who shone as the Sun of this glory was no
other than Bhaskaravarman, the head of the then existing Lichhavi
state to whom the chronicles have attributed the conquest of the whole
of Northern India. We may not accept the validity of the estimate
which seems much exaggerated in its application to that extent, but
there seems little doubt that at the height of his power he was little
less than the head of a state comprising at least a considerable portion
of Northern India extending from Saketa to Pundravardhana. That
the Lichhavis were one of the most important ruling dynasties of India
at that time is well evidenced by the coins of Chandra Gupta 1,-^ the
reverse of which shows in clear letters the legend Lichhaviyah as
possibly expressive of the King’s acknowledgement of that Qosition and
of the fact of his having come to the power through their help. It is
now generally admitted that Chandra Gupta I and his son Samudra
Gupta could consolidate their positions in Magadha mainly on account
of the strong support they received from their relatives, the Lichhavis.
At the time he succeeded to the throne of his father Samudra Gupta
could not claim more than what then comprised Magadha and Saketa,
the latter known at present as Ayodhya, and according jto Kaumudi
Mahotsav if Chandrasena is to be identified with his father, he obtained
Saketa from his maternal grandfather.

Now if one could establish that the same Lichhavis happened to
be the ruling dynasty in Nepal, the problem of Bhaskarvarman’s identi-
fication would be solved for we have on the basis of Samudra Gupta’s
Saketa acquisition that the territorial expansion of the Lichhavis was
as wide as to cover a big kingdom in North India. For this we shall
have to find out if a separate kingdom of the Lichhavis existed at
Vaisali, which, however, seems quite improbable in view of the silence
of Gupta records about that region altogether. The conclusion, there-
fore, is obviously to take the rule of Lichhavis in Nepal, and its conti-
nuity during the whole of Gupta period as a fact, and even if the later
Guptas happened to encroach on the territories of their Lichhavi rela-

Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 259. The Gupta Empire by Radhakumud Mukherji,
Pp. 32-33. The obverse ot the same coin has Sri Kumaradevi along with the
name of Chandra Gupta.

ANCIENT NEPAL

tions, we can believe Samudra Gupta to hav^ upheld their prestige and
power over a large part of the areas which comprised their empire.
Vaisali in all probability formed a part of Nepal till the death of
Samudra Gupta.

As the absence of any reference to Vaisali in the inscriptions of
Samudra Gupta leads us to imagine, the grandson of the Lichhavi empe-
ror might have acted with solicitude of one to whom the very idea of
pushing his frontier on that side was unpalatable. He could not, of
course, finish those who had helped him to the kingship of Magadha.
There was such a thing as gratitude. It is quite possible that he left
Nepal in control of Vaisali with exactly the same status as enjoyed by
the Bakatakas under his son. According to Harisena’s estimate (Allaha-
bad Pillar inscription) Nepal was one of the independent states on the
Gupta Empire’s northern border and this country along with the other
two constituting the frontier kingdoms paid tributes and attended the
imperial durbars to tender homage to him in person.

We, however, look in vain for Vaisali to continue^ in that state
in the next^eign. Vaisali not only does not occur in the list of kingdoms^
frontier or Vassal, but the whole region wherein it was situated is indi-
cated to have come under the rule of Chandra Gupta IT who had ab-
sorbed it in the viceroyalty of North Bihar. In Samudra Gupta’s pillar
inscription, on the other hand, Nepal has received a reference as a
frontier kingdom, and this coupled with the complete absence of evi-
dence as to his conquest of Vaisali may be taken to mean that
as long as Samudra Gupta was in power the empire of the Nepal Lichha-
vis did not undergo any diminution of territories. It k possible that
Vaisali was lost to the Guptas in the next reign.

Chandra Gupta I’s contemporary was Bhumivarman, and his son’s
probably, Vrsadeva. The exact date of the introduction; of Gupta supre-
macy over the Lichhavis cannot be ascertained, but it seems that the
latter had acknowledged the overlordship of the Guptas sometime during
the reign of Chandra Gupta II. The chronicle asserts that the Guptas
had extended their influence in the valley before the ascendancy of
Vasantadeva. We have, however, neither the evidence of local inscrip-
tions nor of any parallel records relating to Guptas to prove their domi-
nation of the valley except that a section of the Guptas are shown by
the Vamsavalis to have been ruling in Nepal during the next two centu-
ries, which the MMK also confirms. But the cultural influence of the
Guptas had penetrated earlier, which seems to have been cast indelibly
on the then prevailing mode of art and architecture. The pillar and
Garuda image of Changunarayan which belong to this period are living

EARLY NEPAL

examples of those cultural inroads, of which every sculpture and carved
relief tells a Gupta story.

In political ideology the Gupta period produced a profound change.
It introduced the system of monarchy in the country and amongst the
people who had so long resisted the monarchical institution {Hindu
Polity, I, p. 59 ) . It must be noted here that the Lichhavis had been
from the very beginning a republican community, a characteristic which
they did not relinquish even after migrating wholesale to Nepal. Mana-
deva 1 was the first monarch under the new constitution and as such
he naturally adopted royal titles and issued coins in his name. That he
took a very modest beginning in deference to the long standing tradition
of his people is illustrated in the way he addressed himself. The more
grandiloquent forms of addresses had not yet been deemed as proper
epithets for the ruler of the country and Nripati, a word, which as Jaya-
swal says conveys a lesser dignity, was still in vogue. Only at the time
of Vasantadeva, his grandson, the pompous titles appear to be in use,
probably significant of the growing ideal of absolute kingship adopted
in his time when the libera constitution had already received the death
warrant. But towards the end of his reign Manadeva himself adopted
the title of Maharaja, and this shows that the process had started earlier.

From the time the impact of Gupta cultural influence was felt in
Kathmandu, the oldest structure of tribal democracy collapsed, but not
to the extent to have been completely put out of work, as monarchs
had not yet ceased to respect popular feeling even in their most abso-
lutist days. It might be that the new feature introduced under the
influence of Oupta ideology tended to resemble despotism with the
most concentrated power in a single individual, but there was always
uppermost the thought of promoting the popular well-being in the
minds of the rulers, and dread of the past tradition which certainly
limited that absolutism, although obedience to precepts of benevolence
was voluntary rather than ordained by any sort of democratic and legal
usage. To the credit of the despots of those days we have it that they
had even restored fallen republics and respected the decision of the
local assembles as the Guptas did in case of the Malwa principalities.

Examples of how the local assemblies were not ignored by the
Nepalese autocrats are provided by very many references to decrees
in the names of kings who had strictly prohibited official encroachment
on the jurisdiction of such assemblies. It appears from these that the
head of the village was always consulted on matters affecting the well-
being of the inhabitants, and the village assembly was addressed in
very respectable terms (Sanga, Levi, III, p. 100). This term amply

ANCIENT NEPAL

shows the difference with which the ruler considered the privileges
attached to liberal institutions. The king, however, was absolute
in his sphere of action and responsibility, could even supersede the
assemblies and legally constitute criminal and civil courts, and ask for
gratuitous service compulsorily on occasions he chose — those definite
limitations on individual liberty, which happened to be the contributions
of the Gupta system of absolutism.

The so-called Lichhavi Character of the Nepal Constitution

Dr. K. P. Jayaswal, the eminent author of Hindu Polity, has more
than once referred to the Lichhavi constitution as the origin of the
Nepalese Government in general, and of the present structure of ad-
ministration of this country in particular. He is of the opinion that the
form of Dwairajya, by which he meant the existence of the two
executive heads corresponding to the Lichhavi Raja and Uparaja is
peculiarly fitted so as to conform to the social texture of a country
with juristic notion of the Mitaksara family.-^ But it is difficult to con-
ceive as to how the particular ideas affecting the joint family system
and its harmonious adjustment can have a bearing on the character of
Government and that least of all of a Lichhavi type. The Dwai-
rajya implies either a division of territory with separate administrative
machineries, which may be friendly or inimical or a division of functions
in the same government without equality of power but with a nominal
identity of status as was the case in Nepal in the time of the Thakuris
of the later period. Ordinarily as the principle of the joint family system
would decree the Dwairajya may convey the idea of an undivided
holding of powers of government by the members in equal position,
but in all cases the results had been either a joint regency without so-
vereignty or alternate sharing of power, two common characteristics
of the position obtaining during the same period of Nepalese history.
The form of government then or even thereafter had no resemblance
with the Lichhavi constitution which had definitely a republican back-
ground having an elected head, and elected executive council. The
Raja and Uparaja enjoyed power by the willing consent of the people
who under the system are taken as the ultimate sovereign. But the
position is entirely reverse in any other case where regency or joint
holding of kingship by one or more persons prevails. Here the people
are the dumb spectators having only one choice before them that of
tamely submitting to the pretentions of divinity to which the rulers lay

Hindu Polity, P, 86 (Second edition); Hixtoiy and chronology of Nepal in
JBORS (1936).

EARLY NEPAL

claim by virtue of their illustrious birth. Amsuvarman or any other
person in his capacity would not easily allow himself to be subjected
to the caprices of popular vote, as his ascendancy had never been a
matter of public choice.

We do not know how Jayaswal mistook the administrative
fitructure of Nepal obtaining in the time of The Rana Prime
Ministers to be a peculiar development of the Lichhavi con-
stitution merely on the basis of the double kingship prevalent as a
common feature of both. In fact the experiment in this direction was
not confined to a single system, but covered many such as suited the
temperament and genius of the age. Nor the various stages of political
progress and the different phases of structural development were exclu-
sively Nepalese peculiar to this country. We have found that even
the then government machinery had nothing exceptional to call
it a Nepalese mould. The position of the king may look somewhat
anomalous, but as he had been virtually overshadowed by the Prime
Minister, the anomaly dissolves itself; on the other hand as far as the
relationship with the British Government is concerned, tfie tetter had
acted like an Indian Prince with the British title of ‘His Highness’
so that his loyalty to the British was the more pronounced. There was
no sharing of power whatsoever with the figurehead on the throne.
Likewise, the Maharaja Premier had come to assume gradually the
same dignity and royalty as by the king himself. If it were not, there-
fore, for the nominal allegiance which he paid to the throne, the Premier
would have singly passed as the real sovereign of the country.

There is no similarity between the Dwairajya type of government
as thus conceived and a democratic Lichhavi constitution and also be-
tween the form and spirit of the working of the two.

The Nepalese idea of kingship as we have noted is Gupta
in origin though it would be a mistake to suppose that the develop-
ment in later times travelled in the line of Gupta ideology.
The political constitution depended on traditional conception only to
a certain extent and is mainly subjected to the ideas of times to a
great extent, according to which it is finally shaped. The constitutional
development in Nepal similarly followed that course. Admittedly it
has never embodied any single force. The dictatorship of Amsuvarman
and the regency in the time of the Mallas were only respective products
of their times. Nothing was common between these two governments
and between them and the Lichhavi government. While in one the
dictator was supreme and assumed the royal position later, in the
other the regents were real rulers behind the puppets although for a

ANQENT NEPAL

long time the function and power of the executive were all along being
centered on a single authority. It was in both a case of complete
eclipse of a less effective figure by a great and powerful figure, wherein
no feasibility of identical power was conceived. There is absolutely
no ground to compare them with the Lichhavi executive heads.

The worst part of Jayaswal’s thesis has appeared with regard to
the comparison he institutes between the Rana family dominated politi-
cal structure of Nepal and the ancient Lichhavi Republic. All admit that
there is no trace of the working of any republican constitution in this
country since the tribals ceased to function as rulers with their own type
of democracy. The fact that the Lichhavis had abandoned politics
as a result of Gupta ideological influence explains the growth
of absolutism in the country hitherto liberal in the main structure. The
Rana family dominated Government of Nepal was as absolute as any
feudal dictatorship and claimed the power on the basis of hereditary
rights as well as offices and functions thereof. The government
apparently consisted of two heads no doubt and perhaps this led Dr.
Jayaswal to build his thesis, but we must know that of the two sovereigns
one is as emasculated in power as the other is the real man to wield it.
And there is no basis of a theory to identify them as to real position,
if we take into consideration the actuality of situation. In the political
structure that functioned the Maharajadhiraja is only a figurehead having
not even formal courtesy functions, worse than the Maratha King in the
Peshwait period. The real ruler is the Maharaja who apparently passes
as the Premier, but combines in himself all thci duties of a premier de jure
and the king de facto. As he holds his power by virtue of hereditary
rights, the mass of the people had looked upon him as their sovereign
in the same way as they looked to the other head.

Genealogy and Chronology

We have said above that Vrsadeva was a contemporary of
Samudra Gupta. About this Vrsadeva, however, we have a
record supplied by one inscription of Manadeva, which gives a genea-
logy commencing with his name. There is yet another inscription, that
of Jayadeva II, which gives the same list with the addition of three
more names including that of Manadeva, the author of the earlier inscrip-
tion. As Manadeva figures in both in similar order of chronology there
is not the least doubt that the reference is to one and the same person,
and according to the same he is the son and successor of Dharmadeva
and an ancestor of Jayadeva II. The date of Manadeva of Ins. No. 1
and No. 15 is a very important topic of ascertainment, and any conclu-

EARLY NEPAL

sion arrived at in this connection will be a determining factor for all
other successive events and chronology. In the following pages we
have attempted to discuss the point in detail with reference to all rele-
vant data available.

Before proceeding to consider the data of the inscriptions, let us
deal with the genealogy of the chronicles for this period. In the list
which follows we find that this part of the chronology is divided bet-
ween two dynasties, the one a continuation of the early Sooryavansis,
and the other entirely a new line of Kings called the Thakuris. The
latter is headed by Amsuvarman whose regnal date has been indubi-
tably ascertained with reference to Yuan Chwang’s observation. As
Amsiivarman’s reign finds an elaborate discourse in the new chapter,
we will devote the next article to the Suryabansis.

The Suryavansis-"’ are listed as follows by Kirkpatrick and

Wright :

KIRKPATRICK.

WRIGHT.

<a) 1.

Chandravarman

Bhumivarma^

Jayavarman

as in K.

Brishvarman

Chandravarma

Sarvavarman

Varshvarma

Puthivarman

as in K.

Jeestvarman

as in K.

Kubervarman^®

as in K.

Harivarman

Harivarma

Siddhivarman-’

Kuveravarma

10.

Basudutta or

Basudevavarman

as in K.

11.

Shripatty or Pativarman

as in K.

12.

Shivabridhivarman-^

as in K.

After the 12 earlier names are given, the successors whose names
are in the chronology stand in the following manner in the order of suc-

Kirkpatrick, P. 260. Wright, Pp, 113-16. His list is most confusing. Kir-
kpatrick’s authority is more or less a reliable one with one correction. Jayaswal,
Pp. 196 ff; Levi, 11. P. 92; Bhagwanlal. lA. XlII, 413.

He belongs to the list of Prabhakaravarinan given earlier.

He has been identified with Sivadeva I, who is wrongly mentioned imme-
diately after and Vasantadeva is wrongly repeated.

This list leaves out Haradatta to whom the four Narayan temples and
Budha Nilkantha are attributed by other chronicles (Wright p. 313).

ANCIENT NEPAL

cession (also Levi. II, Pp. 92-93) :

(b) 1. Brishadeva Brishadevavarman, Levi has

2. Sankaradeva Shankaradeva, Dharmodeva

(Varman affix is dropped).

3. Dharamdeva Manadeva

4. Manadeva

5. Basantdevo Vasantdevo Varma

This part of the list does not find a separate place in Wright (p.
313). Vasaniadeva, Sivadeva and Rudradeva follow immediately after
Sivabridhi according to the same authority.

8. Manadeva Manadeva Varma

9. Gunakamadeva Gunakamadeva Varma

10. Sivadeva Varman Sivadeva Varma

11. Narendradeva Varman-*^ Narendradcva Varma

12. Bhimadeva Varman These three names are omitted

13. Visnudeva Varman by Levi, and he identified Gu-

14. Viswadeva Varman nakamadeva with Ganadeva of

the inscriptions.

Wright also puts the names of 7 to 14 of the above as predecessors
of Amsuvarman but with him, the author begins a new dynasty of the
Thakuris. Amsuvarman was the son-in-Jaw of No. 1 3 above, who was
identified with Sivadeva.

Whil^ considering the names in the above list we have to be
careful to avoid confusion as regards the amalgamatiqn of the diverse
families of rulers, which the chronicler has not thought fit to classify
separately.

This long list in the genealogy supplied by the chronicles suffers
from many inaccuracies of names and of the order of succession. For
a correct chronology we will have to recast the whole list in accordance
with the more reliable estimate of inscriptions and like records, which
we have done in the following pages.

As the list (a) is for the period already dealt with we proceed to
consider the (b) and (c) lists which give names for the period between
the Gupta age and the accession of Amsuvarman two centuries later.

The list (c) is very much confusing, apart from the fact that the
list preceding has again been misplaced as to occur just before
Udayadeva. We have repetitions of names like Manadeva and

^’Levi thought that nos. 11 and 12 above did not rule at all, and that their
names were preserved just to maintain a link in the order with the future kings.

EARLY NEPAL

Sivadeva, and the order of succession in these as verified by other data
appears to have no relation with facts. At the very outset we face
the problem of identification of the names repeated and to determine
whether they stand for one person or several. Jayaswal has identified
Sivabridhivarman of the list (a) with Sivadeva I of inscriptions, a
contemporary of Amsuvarman whose date is a matter of certainty in
view of Yuan Chwang’s observation. Manadeva in another list who
is to be regarded as a predecessor of Sivadeva, is the first Nepalese
King of that name according to the same author, and he has also
accepted the existence of two more persons bearing the same name.
But as many other points are still not cleared off JayaswaFs finding is
not 'wholly conclusive. Let us take the question of Manadeva’s
identification. We have two rulers of that name as also accepted by
Jayaswal. The one who is referred to in a copy of the Su/natitem-
rra in possession of the Rajguru of Nepal has an ascertained regnal
dale in his favour, thus rendering identification almost factual. *'* Unlike
the copy in the British Museum, the Rajguru’s unpublished work notes
Manadeva’s reign in the year 498 Saka, which has again Jbeen con-
nected with the Nepal era by an anotator to fix it in the year 304. The
Saka 498 is 576 A.D., which corresponds to the same year exactly in
terms of the Nepal era 880-304, that is 576 A.D. It was said that this
is really a new discovery on one of the much debatable part of ancient
Nepalese chronology. But can it be a fact that the Manadeva of Sumati-
tantra is the first ruler of that name in the Nepalese history? It was said
that the identification of another Manadeva, contemporary o£ Jisnugupta
is also a difficuU proposition although his reign period with reference to
Jisnu’s inscription is again a settled fact. But this problem does not
exist at the moment, because the very reading of the name Manadeva
has been found wrong. Similarly we shall find that Manadeva of Su-
mati tantra was also not a very illustrious name. About Manadeva of
Sumatitantra there is not much divergence of opinion as on either
argument, he comes to occupy a place in conformity to the date as indi-
cated by this Ms. which can be adduced without breaking the identity
between the names concerned. But about the other one there is much
confusion on account of the divergence of era to which his inscriptions
have been variously referred. Our task here will be, therefore, to deter-
mine the exact epoch of the earlier inscriptions and their relation with

““Jayaswal, Op. Cit., Pp. Ift3-l{r>; catalogue of Briti-sh Museum Pp. 193-9.1,
467 No. 3564.

ANCIENT NEPAL

reference to the names in the Vansabalis, so that we can fix regnal
dates for the rulers occurring in the list of these inscriptions.

Later, it will appear that the chronicles have left out Mahideva
in the list No. (a), whose reign period is an incontrovertible certainty
because of his place in the two inscriptions cited. The omission of
Ganadeva whose inscriptions undoubtedly place him immediately after
Vasantadeva is another flaw. Similarly, judged with reference to the
reliable order of names projected by the inscriptions the list stands
recorrect in its entirety.'^^

This work was written in the year 495 of Nepalese era.

Dr. R. C. Majumdar to his article about the chronology of the Early
Kings of Nepal contributed to the B. C. Law volume tries to recast the list of the
chronicles, but he commits a fundamental error in placing Narendradeva before
Amsuvarman and Sivadeva (P. 635) .

CHAPTER 111

Early Lichhavi Rulers
{Continued)

We have made some observations about the early Lichhavi rulers
in the preceding chapter. But conclusions about their date and chrono-
logy have been, however, more or less tentative. Therefore we propose
to pursue the subject matter of their regnal data in the following pages.
Now as reliable data of the rescriptions of proved date have come to
our notice our judgment in regard to the problem has to be made in
their light. Below is a study based mainly on inscriptions.

We begin the discourse with the study of the inscriptions as the
very initial topic of discussion.

Inscriptions

For the ancient history we have up-to-date availed* of.*nearly one
hundred inscriptions, divided into two distinct sets each following its
own era and epoch year. Of these inscriptions only three remain to
be published. A collection of 18 inscriptions has been published in
different issues of a monthly ‘Sanskrit Sandesh’ and at least two of
these constitute new find. The rest including 15 of Bhagwanlal
Indraji, 3 of Bendall and 21 of Levi (a few of B.G.L. are included)
and of the monthly Sanskrit Sandesh and Itihas Prakas have been re-
cently compiled and published by R. Gnoli under the title ‘Nepalese
Inscriptions in Gupta characters’ (Rome, 1956).^

As the date of these inscriptions form the basis of our history
writing and also the only means for correcting the errors of the chroni-
cles, we propose to write here a few words more specifically about
them.

It is to be observed here that inspite of a large number of inscrip-
tions traced out, the ones actually being enumerated to be of any
historical value do not exceed more than two dozens.

The first group of inscriptions show date figures ranging from
Samvat 386 to 535, We have twenty of such inscriptions for the

^ Bhagwanlal Indraji, G. Buhler: Tu^eyity-three Inscriptions from Nepal,
1885 (Bombay).

Cecil Bendall, A journey of Literal's and Archaelogical Research m Nepal,
etc. (184-85), Cambridge (18861).

S. Levi, le Nepal, Vol. IIL 1908 (Paris) : Sajiskrit Sandesh (monihlv) VS
2010, 2011; Itihas Prakas, I. 1 (2012) VS).

ANCIENT NEPAL

reigns upto Ganadeva. About ten of these go to Sivadeva 1, contem-
porary of Amsuvarman.

The second set has inscriptions showing date figures from 30 to
172. All of these except ten of Amsuvarman are in the name of
Lichhavi Kulaketu Narendradeva and his successors Sivadeva (II)
and Jayadeva II down to the year 159.

If the colophon of an old palm leaf Ms. Sivadharma Sastra is to
be included, the last item will belong to a later date, that of the docu-
ment which is Samvat 189.-

We now enter into the consideration of both the groups of inscrip-
tions. While considering about the first group we have excluded the
items belonging to Sivadeva f, the contemporary of Amsuvarman, to
take up again along with those of the latter.

About the scripts used in the inscriptions, it may be said that in
the earlier epigraphy it is Guptan as used in the documents of the 4th
and 5th Century in North India. Besides the year of the Samvat,
in the date figures, all inscriptions in general give only the month, the
fortnight (?aksa) and the day of the fortnight. A few, however, give
in addition to these the constellation (Naksatra), yoga and moment
(muhurta). No day of the week is specified in any of the inscriptions
of the period.

We have seen how the writing of the history for the period before
450 A.D. was done mainly with the help of the confused and uncertain
data of the chronicles. But now we are on a surer and firmer ground,
although the discovery does not help for more than a period of three
centuries. This is a great achievement as far as ancient Nepal goes.
These inscriptions have enabled us to present to the reader an authentic
and verified account of the ruling dynasties of Nepal of those days,
though it is much confined to chronology. Together with this, the
inscriptions throw some light on different aspects of social, economic
and cultural history of the age.

At this stage it is well to refer to Hiuen Tsang (Yuan Chwang)
who happens to be the first authority to provide an account about this
country, which could be tested with reference to a well ascertained date.

Hiuen Tsang left China in 629 A.D. and by way of Central Asia
and Karakoram reached India where he wandered ceaselessly from
one end to the other till his departure in 645 A.D. In about 637 A.D.

® Ilihas Piakas/i 1, i, p. 159.

EARLY LICHHAVI RLLI.RS

he had arrived in Vaisali. It is not definite whether he crossed over to
the valley of Nepal. But his account has a few lines to say about Nepal.
Amsuvarman is mentioned in this account as ‘a king who had lived
in the time just passed’.

The reference to Amsuvarman is the only item useful for the pur-
pose of Nepalese chronology, if the account was written in between
637 and 648, and surely it was written during that interval, the reference
will fix a reasonable date for Amsuvarman. In all certainty the pilgrim’s
reference to Amsuvarman makes him his early contemporary by impli-
cation.

We shall deal in details with Hiuen Tsang in relation to Nepal
while we come to narrate the history of the period of Amsuvarman. For
the present we shall find that Hiuen Tsang has facilitated our efforts
to determine the epoch year of the era of the first group of inscriptions.

Fa-hien was in India in between 399 and 414 A.D. He, however,
has nothing to say about Nepal. He had visited Lumbini and Kapila-
vastu about which he wrote in detail, but as Nepal is omitted in his
account, it can be presumed that he had not even hearef of«the country'
by that name or by any other name.

We are concerned here with the account of the reign periods from
the time of Vrsadeva to that of Ganadeva untill the rise of Amsuvarman.
It is, therefore, essential that here we enter upon a discussion about
the first group of inscriptions which invariably touched these reign
periods.

The first group of rnscriptions : — ^These are twenty in all, but the
relevant ones, are of Manadeva, three of Vasantadeva, one of
Ramadeva (date 469) and three of Ganadeva. According to Jayaswal,
all these inscriptions have followed the epoch of the Gupta era of 320
A.D. This was also the view put forth by Dr. Fleet. Levi set up a
new era called the Lichhavi era beginning with 110 A.D. The Saka
Salivahan era of 78 A.D. is suggested by some as the era to be referred
to in all these documents. R. C, Majumdar attempts to argue in favour
of the Saka era.'^ Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji who has been closely
followed by recent writers like Dr. R. G. Basak and others referred
them, however, to the Vikrama era of 57 B.C. We have, therefore,
here a fundamental difference of opinion as to the epoch of the era
adopted in these inscriptions. If Gupta era were to be accepted
Manadeva and his successors who have found mention in Jayadeva
IPs inscription (No. 15 of I A, IX) must be placed after the seventh
century A.D.; otherwise according to Indraji, they occupy a place in

C. Jaw Volume, Vol. I, Pp. 62641 (Indian Resiarrh Institute, Calcutta).

ANCIENT NEPAL

the fourth century A.D. This is the central point of the theme and
we must proceed now with the consideration of the epoch year of the
inscriptions concerned.

Details of a few relevant documents,: — (1) The Changunarayan
Pillar inscription of Manadeva: It is dated Samvat 386.^ Its impor-
tance lies in the fact of the list which has given a chronology of the
author’s predecessors. The names are successively — Vrsadeva,
Sankaradeva and Dharmadeva. The place of issue is not mentioned.
The epigraphy of the inscription according to Dr. Indraji is early
Guptan.

(2) Manadeva’s wife Ksemasundari inscription dated Samvat

390.-*

(3) The inscription of Jayavarman incised in the reign of
Manadeva, wherein is written 'Shri Manadeva Nripate Prasadaf. It is
dated Samvat 413.

(4) Another Changu Stele of Manadeva dated 427.

(5) The one issued by Vasantadeva from Managriha. The author
addresses himself as Maharaja. The dutaka is Sarbdanda nayaka Malta-
prathihara Ravigupta. It is dated 435. Two more inscriptions of
Bhattaraka Maharaja Vasantadeva are dated 428 and 454.

(6) Another one incised on a stone slab with dutaka Rajputtra
Vikramsena. The author is not known. It is dated S. 535.

(7) Ganadeva’s inscriptions are dated 482 and 489 respectively.

The (6) of the series refers to the royal personage so far unidenti-
fied, Vasantadeva above is the same personage as Vasantadeva of Ins-
cription No. 15 (lA, p. 178), son and successor of Manadeva, who suc-
ceeded Manadeva of Inscription No. 1. There cannot be any doubt
about Mahideva being a son of Manadeva, for the genealogy of Inscrip-
tion. I tallies in toto with that of Inscription No. 15, which has given a
list of the earlier Lichhavis. As the latter inscription makes it clear that
these were descendants of the first Lichhavi Supuspa of the solar race,
we can easily adduce as to Manadeva’s Lichhavi paternity, although his
inscriptions do not refer to it. Curiously enough, none of the above
noted documents mention anything about the Lichhavi lineage of the
rulers concerned. The first inscription to designate the King as Lichhavi
Kulaketu was that of Sivadeva dated Samvat 515. But no other names
find mention in his inscriptions. The Lichhavi ancestry of these kings
has been traced from the genealogy provided by Jayadeva II in his
inscription (No. 15).

* Recently a Nepalese writer read 389.
® Unpublished.

EARLY LiCKHAVl RULERS

The date of Manadeva

Who is Manadeva I, the one of Suniatitantra or of Inscription No. 1?
We shall see later that there is not much to say about Jisnu’s con-
temporary Manadeva, because after ascertainment of the reading of the
inscription concerned we can easily dismiss his existence. Similarly
Manadeva of Suniatitantra will come to occupy the first or second
position on the same basis, as his date is no more subjected to doubt.
The most controversial point therefore under discussion is the identi-
fication of the person in the Inscription No. 1 with reference to his date.
But this has become a subject of much controversy in view of the lack
of 'unanimity of opinion on the epoch year of the eras the inscription
has adopted. Dr. Jayaswal while recognising the validity of the legend
of Mananka and Gunanka in the coinage of Nepal attributes the same
to Manadeva of 576 A.D. whom he gives the first place in the order
(JBORS. op. cit).^" As to the epigraphic evidence he dismisses it as
entirely valueless for reasons of the many irregular and indistinct
features in the epigraphy of the coinage. He also falls ^to note the
dissimilarity in the epigraphy of the inscription in question and of those
of the 7th century A.D., to which period he assigns the list of names
occurring in the Inscription No.I. Levi and Indraji agree as to the
defective language the inscriptions of Manadeva and his successors con-
tain and as also to the difference in the epigraphy of these inscriptions
and Amsuvarnian's inscriptions, which shows definitely certain altera-
tion in orthography to approach the Gupta character of the later period
(Levi, ill, ,Pp. 83 ff.). But here we face certain irregu-
larities. If Arnsuvarman's inscriptions precede them there is
no reason that Manadeva's inscriptions should betray the
defects common to the epigraphy of the earlier centuries. Dr. Jayaswal
again asserts that the Thakuris of the scion of Arnsuvarman's family
ruled over Nepal during the latter part of the 7th century A.D. and
the Lichhavis were their vassals, a fact which according to him accounts
for the existence of these inscriptions along with records of the Thakuri
rulers. He argued that Manadeva’s assumption of a less dignified
title is significant of his comparatively less important role under the
Thakuris. This, however, is not a valid assumption, for the word
‘Nrippati’ carried as much a sense of high royal dignity as the word
Maharaja. Kumara Gupta I is referred to with that title and, there-
fore, it would not be wrong to infer that Manadeva was as independent

•Some aulhors liave read in these coins Knsluni resemblance in matiirs of
structure and imac;e.

ANCIENT NEPAL

as his successor or predecessors so far as the evidence of this inscrip*
tion is concerned.’ It is quite possible, as we alluded to before, that
Nripati was adopted in view of the past political affiliation of the
Lichhavis, which was definitely democratic. But even this conjecture
seems to be far fetched. Besides that, this inscription also is
silent as regards the place of issue, unlike the one which
characterises the successive records. If the ruling family would have
been occupying Managriha, there is no reason that Managriha should
be omitted. Managriha had not ceased to wear the dignity of the
royal palace in the seventh century or even in the eighth, for we have
inscriptions issued from that place for that period (cf. lA, IX, p. 167).
But if we push off the date of Manadeva of Inscription No. 1 to 705 or so
this is just the position the evidence disproves. The absence of
Managriha in this inscription or in any other of the same order can
only mean that this place did not exist while the epigraphy was being
recorded. The place most probably originated posthumously with
Manadeva of this inscription, who as will appear subsequently is the
first Manadeva of the Lichhavi dynasty, his date being pushed back to
the 5th century A.D.

There is an expression in the Inscription No. 15 (lA, IX, p. 178),
which has led to much confusion in relation to the date of Manadeva
of Inscription 1 . This expression consists of a compound ‘asyantare’ which
ordinarily means ‘at the interval of.’ Fleet and Jayaswal have inter-
preted it as to mean the interval of time when the Thakuris were ruling
jointly or individually and make the whole list down to Vasantadeva
contemporaneous with Narendradeva’s successors as meiitioned in the
lines following that expression in the inscription, and at the same time
giving Thakuri parentage to these rulers. The chronicles have not omitted
Udayadeva who precedes the second list and who on the basis of the
above interpretation should be a contemporary of Vrsadeva. By plac-
ing the latter as a contemporary of Narendradeva a possible way of
escape has been found. But as we have observed earlier, this is in-
admissible and the expression would clearly indicate either the priority
over or the contemporaneity with Udayadeva or Vrsadeva and in no
case with Narendradeva. Further the T’ang history has no mention
of the other Lichhavi King ruling in the valley in the reign of
Narendradeva; if at all Narendradeva's dynasty were to be accepted as
Thakuri. This fact should not have escaped the notice of the Chinese
visitors. Nor it can be true that Dharmadeva killed the Tibetan King

E., Chandra Gupta 1 calls himself Maharaja in Radhapur plates (|.A.
S.B., 1924, p. 58ff) .

IvXRLY LlCHHAVl RTJLKRS

in 705 A.D.^ The Inscriptions No. 1 and No. 15 do not mention him
as such and had he been instrumental in defeating the Tibetan ruler
and this was no ordinary occasion but was an event of unusual im-
portance marking the end of a foreign rule, his valour should have
unfailingly found reference in that connection. But according to
Inscription No. 1 it seems that he himself met disaster in some battle-
field and it was not a fight with Bhotta. i.e. Tibet, which makes the whole
basis of that inference very weak. By no stretch of imagination the list
common to Inscriptions No. 1 and 15 can be fixed up as contemporary
of Udayadeva and his successors.

Those who tried to explain the anomaly of the situation have
taken shelter behind an argument that Udayadeva is not of the Lichhavi
dynasty. As we have just noted, this point alone is insufficient to meet
the requirement of the argument in favour of the Gupta epoch of the
inscriptions, apart from the incongruous result it leaves in regard to
Vrsadeva’s time. But the foremost question which puzzles us is
whether omission of Amsuvarman’s name* in that list is justifiable,
while the genealogy of the inscription (No. 15) mentions v^th a sense
of pride the Lichhavi list, which according to this view was not the dy-
nasty of the chronicler (Jayadeva II). Amsuvarman as the founder of
the Thakuri dynasty and the immediate predecessor of Udayadeva deser-
ved naturally, at least, a mention in the chronicle which was composed
by his son.® The fact that he did not figure in the inscription proves that
Jayadeva If did not belong to Amsu’s dynasty. In the other case the
reference could not have been avoided. Nor, what Fleet say^ as regards
the different stock of Udayadeva’s Thakuri line can alter the premises in
any way, for even then one does not see any reason for the omission
of a prominent personage like Amsuvarman Thakuri, while at the
same time we find that the Lichhavis who were in no way allied with
the Thakuris have received honourable place there. The inscriptions
of Narendradeva style him as the illustrious Lichhavi (Gnoli,) and also
shows at one place that the seat of the king was no longer Kailashakuta,
another fact which certainly indicates a break with the past and a
change in the status of the sovereign, probably significant of the Tibetan
domination of the last fifty years and its withdrawal in 705 A.D.^®

®G. I., 186*87. If we refer the inscription to tiie Gupta era, the date for
Vrsadeva will come to the year 705 A.D., the year which according to the Tang
annal saw the defeat of Tibet by Nepal.

* Jayaswal takes him as Amsu’s direct successor and his son, Levi (II, p.
169), however, regards him as a Lichhavi.

In the writing of Ins., No, 15 Udayadeva and Narendradeva have been
mentioned to belong to the line of Jayadeva, the Lichhavi King.

ANCIENT NEPAL

No purpose would be served by attributing these factors to a
desire on the part of the later Thakuris to be called the Lichhavis, be-
cause the Lichhavis themselves by that time had fallen into disrepute
or at least into insignificant position in other parts of India and secondly
because the Thakuri dynasty was as much respectable in view of the
pinnacle of glory Amsuvarman pushed it to, apart from the fact that
the name of Amsuvarman, as one of the greatest kings of his time,
imparted honour rather than disgrace to be remembered by his descen-
dants. Udayadeva's Thakuri paternity is therefore an impossibility and
it is also absurd to deny the Lichhavi character of Jayadeva ILs
genealogy.

It was also said that the interval of time as conveyed by the
expression 'asyantare' should be understood with reference to the
following lines of kings headed by Udayadeva, who was the thirteenth
successor of Vasantadeva. According to this opinion the interval
shown here constitutes a long line of twelve kings intervening between
Vasantadeva and Udayadeva. But this contention is equally erroneous.
There cannot be such a long interval between Vasantadeva and
Udayadeva. This is clearly intended by the words coming after in the
next quarter of the verse. Tlie reading, however, has been much
controversial ; Bhagwanlal Indraji reads ‘Jatasetrayodasaiatascha
Narendradeva'^'-^ to take Udayadeva as the immediate successor of
Vasantadeva and place him twelve generations previous to Narendra-
deva, which in fact he is not as his immediate priority over the latter
is generally .admitted. Fleet and Levi who read the rubbing in original
read Jatcis trayodasa sutascha Narendra etc.^" Basak read after
tretydasa nripascha Narendradeva, The exact reading is rendered
difficult owing to the illegible letters in between jata and Narendra.
But as ya after na is very clear, the reading trayodasa has a greater
chance of acceptance.

Besides, the whole construction making Narendradeva as the son
of Udayadeva without trying to explain the 'ya' after 'na' is ill fitting
with the harmony of the whole verse and is only forcibly thrust in the
context despite ugly adjustment. The right reading is most probably
*jatas a trayodasa itasch}^ Narendradeva' so that Udayadeva becomes

Basak, op. dt., Pp. 280-83; LA., IX, p. 178.

Another reading: is ‘jatata nam namvost Narender Deo’.

^-Tuai and Gnoli read itasca (Nepalese Inscriptions in Gupta charac-
ters, P. 116), So does M. Naraharinath (Sanskrit Sandesh, i. i, P. 3).

R. C. Majumdar, (Op. dt. Pp. 30— j indines to accept this version but not
so surely.

^«Cn, III, Intro, p. 187, Levi, II, p. 162.

Singular.

EARLY LICHHAVI RULERS

the thirteenth ruler of the second Lichhavi List, and Narendradeva, his
son. Udayadeva in all probability came as the thirteenth successor of
Vrsadeva. The few (Ganadeva and Sivadeva) kings preceding him
were probably omitted on the ground that they had not the independent
existence to have been honorably noted. But how is it that Sivadeva I, the
contemporary of Amsuvarman, was left out? Is it because he was
existing on the sufferance of the High Feudatory? According to the
Chinese history, the date for Udayadeva corresponds to 638 or 39
A.D. It is suggested that the period before him was full of turmoil.
According to Levi Vasantadeva's reign was followed by a critical period
leading to usurpation of power by Amsuvarman until it was restored
by Narendradeva, son of Udayadeva (11, p. 163). Probably Nepal’s
personalities then in power belong to the Thakuri dynasty which itself
seized power from the Ahir; who had again staged a come back
with Jisnugupta and his son Visnugupta. The Manjusri history in the
particular instance has supplied facts abundantly explanatory of the
situation of this period. It says that Manadeva ruled for eighty years
and, thereafter, ‘the country was subjugated by the MliJchhas and
others’. From a parallel account of the Vamsavalis it seems that the
allusion to the various names in the list of the MMK applies to the
Kirata and Gupta rule preceding Amsuvarman. These should not be
construed as representing contemporary dynasties, otherwise the whole
series of names up to Udayadeva including the Gupta family and Amsu-
varnian would appear to belong to contemporary dynasties of the same
period.^*’ We know from the inscriptions that Jisnugupta was a suc-
cessor of Amsuvarman, but on the authority of Fleet and Jayaswal,
Vrsadeva and others also did follow Amsu, which seems quite a contra-
dictor>’ estimate of the MMK’s clear assertion. The verse now in
question has, however, clearly put the names one after the other, which
indicates the order of their succession and not their contemporaneity
and the fact that Udayadeva and Jisnugupta are placed in the last
order is what would confirm the above view. There is no doubt that

but in the line is not visible.

?T5fT f^fBSFt^TT 1 1

rroft ^ Trf^ i

'STSf nrg

X. ^ ^ . X, X > X,, . .

(edited by Ganapati Sastri, 1920, Pt TIT, pp, 621-22).

’•Jayasual wrongly takes them as contemporaries.

IX)

ANCIENT NEPAL

the MMK by its references beckons to a turbulent state of affairs in
the reigns following the list of six names, of which Manadeva’s with
his three important epigraphic records is the most famous. Accordingly,
Udayadeva and not Vrsadeva is the next ruler after Amsuvarman. Now
therefore the whole list of Inscription No. 1 should be transferred to the
earlier period.

The eighty years of Manadeva I should not mean the reign of a
single monarch. The whole comprises also the two reigns following
him. After a few years’ rule by the successors of Vasantadeva, the
valley was invaded by the Kiratas led by Vabisha whose successor
Subhasu was dethroned by the Guptas. But it will be a mistake to
suppose that these rulers had totally ousted the Lichhavis. Their identity
as Kiratas also rests on weak grounds. The MMK calls them just
Mlechhas. This may mean anything. But it is probable that the new-
comers belonged to tribal areas. The Lichhavis had continued to rule
in a part of the kingdom, while the Kiratas came to overpower them.
A portion of the Nepal valley must have gone to be under the Kiratas.
Bhakrama ^vas the first ruler of this dynasty. About this Bhakrama
nothing can besaid but the next one Prakrama, can be identified with
Paramagupta of the chronicle. The list according to MMK is an
follows.

1. Bhakrama, 3. Kamala,

2. Parakrama, 4. Bhagupta,

5. Batsaka.

The li^t of course includes a few unimportant names as well,
which are also given in the Vamsavali, These five rulerls including the
four Kiratas ruled in regular order of succession in some parts of Nepal
until the last of them was subdued by Amsuvarman. Including
Amsuvarman and Dhruvadeva we have, therefore, eleven rulers
between Vasantadeva and Udayadeva, which agrees also with the
numerical strength of the Inscription No. 15. Accordingly, Manadeva
of Summatitantra must fall in that line of unnamed kings omitted by
Jayadeva’s inscription. He must have surely gone through troubled
times and disturbances.

We have another evidence corroborating our conclusion and that
is the coinage of this period variously called Mananka, Gunanka and

Ibid.

TFsrr ^ 1 1 ^i«rg

Iv\RLY LICHH Wl RULKRS

Vatsanka. The coins of this period have two special features. First,
they follow quite closely the structure of the Kushan coinage (Walsh,
J. R. A. S., 1908, p. 677). The deity on a lotus seat in both the
Mananka and Juviska coins (CCIMC, T, p. 82) and also the elephant
facing the right are drawn in both. But another feature reveals an
imitation of the legend of Gupta coinage and there seems to be a very
close affinity between the Nepalese coinage of this period and the
Gupta coinage (Levi, II, p. 108). The Sri Bhogini, the deity of
Mananka coins, agrees in toto with the same expresion used as epithet
for Manadeva 1 by the MMK. Bendall confusing Sri Bhogini for Sri
Bhagini whom he took for Amsu’s sister attributed the coin to Amsu-
varman {Zeitschrijt der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschajt,
Leipzig, 1 882, Vol. XXXVI, p. 51 ). But now on correct reading it has
been ascertained that the expression applies to the goddess seated on
the lotus.^^ Prof. Rapson identifies the Mananka coin as that of
Manadeva I,^'^ who is definitely the author of Inscription No. 1, the
Lichhavi prince. ^

Now if Amsuvarman’s time be fixed in c. 600 A.D. or ewen earlier
as is suggested according to one of his inscriptions, the Kirata revival
seems to have occurred during a period at least a century and half
before him, so that the last date of Vasantadeva would be somewhere
in the third decade of the sixth century. The first date of Manadeva
I in this way would come to 460 A.D. or near about that date, wffiich
is supported by the coinage of the period, with a close resemblance to
its prototype of Guptan image and structure. We shall bave exact
dates for thesd rulers after ascertaining the epoch year of their
inscriptions.

The date for Manadeva of Inscription No. 1 cannot, therefore,
fall in the 7th century A.D. as argued by certain scholars. He comes,
definitely to occupy the first position so far as the regnal year of the
rulers of the same name is concerned. As according to our reading
of Inscription No. 15 the six names previous to Udayadeva are to be
put somewhere in the fourth century A.D., twelve generations earlier
to 640 A.D., their repetition in the Inscription No. 1 has made it easy for
us to refer the epoch year of the era of Inscription No. 1 to a date in that
period. The moot point in controversy can likewise be settled with the
first place assigned to Manadeva of Inscription No. 1, whom hence-
forward we designate as Manadeva the First. Manadeva of Sumati-

** J/VSB.. March 1888, article on the Nepalese coinage.

^^'indian coins, 1898. p. S2. In the coins of Chandra Chipta 11 wc have
Vikramanka.

ANCIENT NEPAL

tantra should again be identified with another personage of the same
name mentioned in the chronology (list C) who probably reigned as a
stop gap sovereign between Ganadeva and Sivadeva 1 without any
memorable events of life under the thumb of die powerful Gupta
Mahasamantas.

Now from the same it is clear that the continuity of the line of the
Lichhavi kings was maintained throughout without any wide breach; as
even in the worst days of the dynasty, it was only interrupted for a
period covering not more than one or tw^o generations. But except at
the initial stage when it seems to have been overshadow^ed by foreign
rulers for a centur}' and half the Lichhavi dynasty had not been usurped.
If there was a Kirata ruler in the scene, it could not be that the Lichhavi
Monarch had been totally ousted. Perhaps he continued to adorn the
throne at one or another part of the country . The genealogical order
of the chronicle giving an unduly long list of names and dynasties is
now proved to be a complete myth.

^ The Era of the Earlier Inscriptions.

From the above it is now proved that the epoch of the earlier
inscriptions must agree with some year towards the middle or the end of
the first century A.D., by which premise alone we can make Manadeva’s
reign contemporaneous with the Gupta period.-^’ We have M. Levi’s
Lichhavi era of 110 A.D., which he obtained by attributing the pheno-
menon of the Inscription No. 1 (Levi, Ilf p. 49 ) to the first day of May
496 A.D.-^ He also has tried to justify his stand by a reference to another
inscription (No. vi, pp. 48-70), which has shown an" intercalation in
the month of Asadha of the year 449 of an unknown era but which he
says has followed the year 110 A.D., as the epoch year, as to him the
phenomenon in the corresponding year 559 A.D. appears of like nature.
The epoch of the era thus ascertained may appear a little far removed^
but on no account the epoch can be placed after 80 A.D. From the
inscription of Sivadeva I and Dhruvadeva, we have Samvat 520 preced-
ing Skimvat 48 by at least thirty years. According to Levi and others the
epoch of the latter inscription falls on the year 595 A.D. and according
to this calculation, the corresponding year for 48 is c. 643 A.D. just 350
years after Jayadeva I and the corresponding year for 520 is c. 613 A.D.
or so, so that the epoch of the latter may find its place in any year after
nineties of the first century A.D. or very near about that date. But

According to Fleet, 28 April 705 A.D., G.I. Text, p. 195.

Dr. Indraji supported by 'C. V. Vaidva and R. G. Basak refers them to the
Vikrarna era (Basak, p. 275) .

EARLY LICHHAVl RULERS

as there is no intercalation in the immediate vicinity of that year, we
have to go back or forward for the search to a year which agrees with
both. Leaving this point aside, we have a more difficult problem of the
ejx)ch year of the second group of inscriptions. It will appear subse-
quently that for all these inscriptions the epoch year can never be 595
A.D. as generally supposed. With new materials traced it is now esta-
blished with a degree of certainty that the epoch year must fall some-
where near about 570 A.D. Thus the old assumption of equating 520
with 613 A.D. becomes entirely inadmissible. The corresponding date
will have to be searched much earlier than 613 A.D. Accordingly the
epoch year of the earlier inscriptions will also fall earlier than 110 A.D.
It is* now certain that this year has got to be somewhere within
a distance of 30-40 years back from 1 10 A.D. Further, Bendall’s reading
of one of Sivadeva’s inscriptions has been whooly defective as he has read
300 in place of 500--, which would confuse the whole situation. It will
serve no useful purpose in connecting the two sets of inscriptions if that
reading is maintained. But now it is generally accepted that the inscrip-
tions upto Sivadeva I have to be referred to one era. Thfi intercalation
of the year 449 may be interpreted to correspond to the year 483 A.D.,
so that Manadeva himself of Inscription No. 1 would be placed in the
period between 403 A.D. and 447 A.D. just 300 years after Jaya-
deva P'*^, whom we have to assign the very earliest year of the Lichhavi
settlement. But equating 449 with 483 A.D. pushes Manadeva’s reign
period back by at least 50 years, which cannot be accepted in view of
the other authoritative evidence.

The Vams^ivalis has made confusion worse confounded in three
places. In the first it has made unwarranted transposition of names
from one list to another. Secondly, some contemporary rulers are put
in order of succession as seemingly to have ruled not simultaneously
but successively one after the other. Thirdly, the transposition has
been done at the cost of corresponding dates established by the Inscrip-
tion No. 15. The five names headed by Vrsadeva have to be adjusted
in the way we have arranged in the above connection according to
Levi’s authority. Udayadeva should have followed Amsuvarman but
in the list of the chronicle precedes him, thus necessitating the trans-
ference of the whole list of succession to Vasantadeva. One name
Vasantadeva is twice repeated, Sivadeva I's place is antedated. Guna-
kamadeva who comes after Manadeva II in the list of the chronicle
should follow Vasantadeva. The order of the next two, Sivadeva and

Levi’s reading; is correct.

»» There is no intercalation in Sainvat 449 on both counts, Vikram or Saka.

ANCIENT NEPAL

Narendradeva, should have been reversed, on the other hand these are
repeated ad nauseam in the fictitious list of Thakuris. Visnudeva Varman
and Viswadeva Varman should have gone to the Gupta chronology.
Manadeva of Sumatitantra is definitely second of the order identified
as Manadeva IT whose regnal year should come just previous to
Sivadeva I.

The Epoch Year of the First Series of Inscriptions

Before we settle the question of the epoch year of the Samvat
followed in the first series of inscriptions let us now proceed to read
what S. Levi has to say about his own proposition. From the follow-
ing paragraphs it will appear that he regards the year 1 10 A.D. as the
epoch year of the Samvat (496-386—1 10 A.D.). The contention, how-
ever, is unconvincing, and he himself admits that it ‘does not satisfy the
astronomical data of the inscriptions'. We shall consider the flaws
Levi made in respect of this matter after reading his passages. They
contain a detailed analysis of the phenomenon appearing in the two ins-
criptions, the No. I of B.G.L.-^ and XIV of Gnoli. Although the analysis
is wide of the mark and not purposive, we have brought it here to give
to the reader an idea of the problem involved as Levi viewed it. Let it
be observed here at the outset that Levi's argument is too much strained,
and the effect is no doubt just the opposite of what it was intended
to bc.-'^

According to Levi :

“The inscription of Changu Narayan is dated from Samvat 386
in the month of Jaistha, clear fortnight, first day of the IVIoon, the moon
being associated to the asterism Rohini in the auspicious moment of
Abhijit. Bhagwan Lai without stopping at the details of the date had
examined the interpretation of the year in the point of view of the
chronology supplied by the Vamcavalis. He had reduced on the one
hand to the Saka era (464 J.C.), on the other to the Vikrama era
(329 .T.C.), then finding that the average of the reigns between Mandeva
and Jayadeva was more probable in the second system than in the first,
he had preferred the Vikrama era. The procedure is always a delicate
matter; applied to the Vamcavalis of Nepal, so whimsical in their chro-
nological speculations, it was already doomed to failure. M. Fleet
has taken up the examination at a later period of the ancient chrono-
logy of Nepal basing himself on the data 316 of Civa Deva (I) given
by the inscription of the Golmadhitol that Mr. Bendall had recently

Abbreviation of Bhagwan Lai Indraji.

Le Nepal, III, Pp. 7*10.

EARLY LICHHAVI RULERS

discovered and published. I leave aside the discussion of this system
which I have already criticized in an article of the Asiatic Journal in
1894. Mr. Fleet, admitting that the inscriptions of Nepal are divided
into two parallel series using different eras mentions the inscription of
Changu Narayan in the Gupta era; he thus obtains 386 Gupta-705-706
J.C.— 628 Caka current or 627 Caka lapsed. Starting from this datum
Sh. B. Dikshit has verified the details of the date for Mr. Fleet, he
found that '‘the given tithi ended on Tuesday the 28th April, 705 J.C.
at 57 ghatis 12 pal as after the rising of the Sun; that the naksatra
Krittika lasted till the 1 1 ghatis 3 palas after the rising of the sun the
morrow Wednesday, and that consequently the muhurta Abhijit, which
is the eighth in the series of the muhurtas and which begins then with
the 15th ghati reckoned from the rising of the Sun has been produced
as is wanted by the text of the inscription whilst the naksatra Rohini
was current” {Gupta Ins. Introd. 93-95).

“As often is the case of the so-called scientific arguments intro-
duced in the researches of history and of philology the proof proves
nothing. The details of the date, in spite of their number leases nothing
precise to verification. The position given far from being accidental
is almost even or at least very frequent. In fact the month of Jyaistha
is the month in which the Moon must be full in the constellation of
Jyaistha; then at the New Moon that precedes the longitude of the
Moon must be 180'^ less. The space between Jyaistha and Rohini being
187” and the displacement of the Moon being 12” by tithi there are
good chances that the Moon may pass in Rohini in the cQurse of the
first tithi (pratipad) of Jyaistha. Further the Muhurta Abhijit (Vidhi
or Brahma) is the eighth of the fifteen muhurtas of the day or of the
thirty muhurtas that go from the rising of the Sun to the next rising;
each muhurta lasts 48 minutes. Then at the moment when begins
Abhijit 7x48"— 336 minutes=5 hours and 36 minutes have elapsed
since the rising of the Sun and the distance of the Moon from Jyaistha has
thus reduced by a little less than 3” and its position has more chances
again of being in the region of the naksatra Rohini. Besides if it concerns
astronomical arguments it must be observed that the solution calculated
by Dikshit and adopted by Fleet is irreconcilable with the intercalation
of Asadha in 449 supplied by one of our inscriptions. If 386 Samvat
is equivalent to 628 caka current 449 is equivalent then to 691 caka
current; then on that year there is an intercalation of Jyaistha in the
true system of vaicakha in the average system but none of Asadha.
If as I believe 449 with its intercalary system corresponds to 482 caka
current 386 would answer to 419 caka current. Then the first Jyaistha

ANCIENT NEPAL

of 419 caka current at the moment the Sun is rising is found in Rohini
and there remains for it to 1 89/ J 0000 lunations in this naksatra other-
wise expressed it must still remain in it 12 hours 23 minutes. Since
the muhurta Abhijit commences 5 hours 36 minutes after the rising,
the Moon is still in Rohini during this muhurta. The date of the pillar
of Changu Narayan corresponds in this hypothesis to Tuesday the 1st
May 496 J.C.

“The capital interest of the inscription of Kisipidi (Levi, vi)-^*
mutilated as it is, lies in its date. The donation is made in
the course of a month doubled by intercalation ‘in Samvat
449 the first Asadha the clear fortnight the 10th. The men-
tion of an intercalary month is a stroke of good luck to the
chronologists; the intercalation is regulated by considerations of
theoretical astronomy which is easy enough to calculate. A lunar
month in the course of which the Sun does not change its sign (in the
Zodiac) is redoubled; the motive is clear. The application admits of
fairly serious divergences; 1st, the calculation can be based either on
the average motion of the planets, or on the apparent motion; 2nd, the
intercalated month can either receive by anticipation the name of the
month normally awaited but delayed by exception or repeat the name
of the month in the course of which it happens, thus according to the
system in use the supplementary month tacked on in the course of the
month of Jyaistha can be called either Asadha I or Jyaistha II. Luckily
these difficulties are partly removed in the case of ancient Nepal. The
mention of a pausa I (prathama paksa) in an inscription of Amsuvar-
man year 34 suffices to establish that the Nepalese astronomers cal-
culated the intercalations on the average motion; because in the system
of the apparent motion pausa is never intercalary, elsewhere the desig-
nation applied in this same case to the supplementary month shows well
that the intercalation receives the name of the month normally awaited
and not of the current month. Then the month mentioned here must
happen in a year in which according to a calculation based on the
average motion of the Sun and the Moon there must have lapsed after
normal month of Jyaistha a lunar month begun when the Sun had
already passed in the sijgn of Mithuna and ended before the Sun had
entered in the sign of Karka. The phenomenon irregularly takes
place in each century. From 400 to 499 J.C. four times; from 500 to
599 J.C. three times; from 600 to 699 J.C. once; from 700 to 799 J.C.
four times. If the year 386 Samvat of Mandeva really corresponded.

III, Pp, 49-51.

EARLY LlCHHAVl RULERS

as M. Fleet wished it, to 628 current caka, the year 449 should neces-
sarily correspond to 6284-63—691 current caka (768-769 J.C.)* Now
no method gives any supplementary Asadha to this date. The combina-
tion proposed by the learned epigraphist is then to be entirely rejected.

“On the other hand, I have for a long time shown the year 34
of Amcuvarman with its intercalary pausa should correspond to 629-630
J.C. (Asiatic Journal, 1894, II, 55 sq.). Amcuvarman is at first the
minister then the successor of Sivadeva whose inscriptions are still
found beyond 520 Sanivat. The date of 449 Samvat is anterior to
this term by about 70 years; it must then fall towards the middle of
the Vlth century of J.C. Now during the whole duration of the VI
century of J.C. the system of the average motion only gives three inter-
calations of asadha; in 482 current caka (559-60 J.C., in 501 current
cake (=^578-79 J.C.) and in 520 current caka 597-98 J.C.).
My personal results concord for that century with the Tables
of Sewell and Dikshit, The last two results are to be
sidetracked since tliey would throw the end of the reign of Sivadeva
right under the successors of Amsuvarman ( 578 -h 70 =648 J^C.; 5974-
70=667 J.C.). The first alone is to be considered because it takes Siva-
deva, in Samvat 520 to the very epoch of Amsuvarman (5594-71 = 630
J.C. ) and that the two reigns must precisely coincide in part. The date
of the pillar of Changu Narayan gives us another means of control.
Now we have seen that in taking for starting point the equivalent of
Samvat 449-482 current caka the details of the inscribed date on the
pillar verify themselves completely for 386 Samvat-419 current caka.
We thus obtain Jfor the starting point of the Lichhavis era 419-386=33
current caka= 1 10 J.C, I ignore to which event this era can be related
to if in the neighbourhood of the caka era. The number of reigns
lapsed, which is 19 from the origin of the Lichhavis to the accession
of Manadeva (according to the unanimous agreement of the traditions,
key, 11, 91 sq.) is surely very small to cover up a stretch of four
centuries. Perhaps the Lichhavis had brought their own era from the
Indian cradle, perhaps they perpetuated a local era of Nepal that dated
back to the expulsion of the Kiratas.”

Levi has trodden his ground cautiously, and his conclusion is made
to appear as only one of a kind of several possibilities in the direction.
But we may not at all touch the consideration of this matter for our
purpose to arrive at a solution of the problem. We must understand
that astronomical data are least decisive in determination of the dates
for chronology, as these are subject to numerous conditions, some of
them quite shifting their ground from one assumption to another. This

ANCIENT NEPAL

is a further drawback and a risk inherent in the very utility of a method
of astronomical interpretation. So if we could avoid dependence ort
astronomical data altogether, we should find out means to that end.
Fortunately for us we have materials enough for the ancient history
of Nepal, which will enable us to ignore the factor of astronomical
datum altogether. In the following paragraphs we shall show how
even without taking recourse to the consideration of this factor, we
tackle the question of interpreting the data to fix up dates for our
chronology.

As we have shown by way of discussion in the pages above, the
precedence of the rulers who are known also by the first group of ins-
criptions over those of the second group is clearly established from the
Inscription No. 15. If any doubt was there, it was about the reigns
coming after the last ruler of tlie series, Vasantadeva. So at any rate
these inscriptions must antedate the reign of Narendradeva who was a
King ruling in 645 A.D. as confirmed by the Tang Annals (See below).
Without repej^ting the arguments about Udayadeva, let us now bring
out a tentative order of genealogy for the early Lichhavi rulers down
to Vasantadeva,

Vrsadeva

Sankaradeva

Dharmadeva

Manadeva

Mahideva

• Vasantadeva

Obviously Manadeva’s date of 386 of the Inscription No. I has
to be placed at least three, four or five generations earlier somewhere
in the previous century, calculated 645-1004*545 A.D. On this
argument, the epoch year must go to 545-386—159 A.D. To this
extent there is no controversy. But the matter does not end here.
We have quite irrefutable evidences to show that the date for the epoch
year can be pushed still further back by another eighty or ninety years.

The data of such evidences are certainly provided by some more
inscriptions of the series under discussion, that have recently come
to our view. These inscriptions together push the last date figure of
the first series of inscriptions to Samvat 535. We have four or five
more inscriptions belonging to this series, but as their date figures are
peeled off, we are leaving them out of our account taking into consi-
deration only those which have the date figures intact.

While enumerating the inscriptions of the first series we had placed
alongside in the group all inscriptions of Ganadeva and Sivadeva, all

EARI.Y LICHHAVI RUI.ERS

of which appear to show dates in continuation. The discussion, which
follows in the next section, will solve the question of the era for the
entire series. We have envisaged the existence of only one era for
such inscriptions. It could not be imagined that of this set there will
be different eras for different dates. Such inference will be unwarran-
ted. As facts stand there is no room for a view which brings out
two eras in the field. As it will appear the solution of the problem
of ascertaining the era is much facilitated only because the last of the
documents represent a link in the chain running from 386 to 535.

Date in Sivadeva's Inscriptions : It is true as Dr. R. C. Majumdar
says that no final solution of the problem of reading symbolic date
figures will be possible until these are available in words.^’’^ But we
may not wait for this sort of eventuality in order to achieve correct
reading of the date figures in the inscriptions of Sivadeva I. Unlike
the time Levi wrote his book, we have at the moment not one but
several inscriptions belonging to Sivadeva I and all these show very
clearly the symbols for date figures in identical forms. • Consequently
our reading of the date figures in these inscriptions is muclf facilitated.
In. Levi tlie reading of the symbol for 500 was based on the rubbings
of the three inscriptions, one from Bhatgaon, one from Khopasi, and
another from Dharampur respectively.^® Levi’s reading of the date figures
in all these is quite correct. Earlier Bcndall had introduced some confu-
sion by wrongly reading the first of the three figures in one of the Bhat-
gaon (Golmodhitol) inscriptions as a symbol for 300.-^ As this was the
only inscription then available for Sivadeva’s reign, this Veading had
further in the •absence of any knowledge of Chinese notices on the
subject tended to lend support also to a wrong reading of certain other
lines. To day, however, the very discussion of the point becomes
superfluous in the face of irrefragable proof establishing Sivadeva’s
reign period at ascertained dates.^®

It does not lie within the scope of the present work to discuss
the orthography of the inscriptions concerned. Nor we stand in need
of such a discussion for our present purpose as without the help of
orthographical data we can conclusively prove our case. But it will
suffice to observe here that the symbolic figure for 500 in these inscrip-
tions has followed a set pattern observable not only in one but also
in all the documents of the series. Therefore there cannot be any
doubtful reading of the date figure in one particular inscription while

Cit., P. 628.

*«Levi, HI, Inscriptions IX, XI, XH. He does not give the one of Bendall.

*• Journey, etc., Pp. 72*74; R. C. Majumdar, ibid, Pp. 628-29.

"***• » 500 ana ^

100

ANCIENT NEEAI.

the series is there. Just a scrutiny of the date figure in the Goimodhi-
tol inscription reveals a clear sign for 500, which is expressed in the
shape, in common with similar symbols in other inscriptions of Sivadeva.
This is as distinct from, the symbol for 300, commonly visible in all
the six inscriptions bearing dates between 386 and 399 both inclusive.
Now any controversy in regard to the reading of the date figure must
cease in view of the indubitable signs of the inscriptions in this respect.

Apart from above, let us now proceed at this stage to consider
the points in regard to the regnal data of Sivadeva 1, so that we weigh
the evidence fully well if the same will have a bearing on determining
the era of the above cited inscriptions.

This monarch's reference to Amsuvarman as his Feudatory in
several inscriptions of his makes the date figures in his inscriptions
conterminous with those in the inscriptions of Amsuvarman. In addi-
tion to this factor we should also note that as from Hiucn Isang’s
observation Amsuvarman’s time could be ascertained, without any fear
of contradiction, similarly Sivadeva being his contemporary, the date
figures in tke latter’s inscriptions must be determined with reference to
the estimate formed on account of the Chinese pilgrim’s accounts.
Sivadeva’s reign period is therefore a settled affair. If there is a
variance, it must be only of a few years. Whether Sivadeva’s dates
preceded or both ran parallel is a moot point to be tackled. Thus
far, our authors have taken the view of placing Sivadeva’s figures earlier
above Samvat 30 of the first inscription of Amsuvarman. We have fixed
the epoch year of the second series of inscriptions at 568 A.D. (see be-
low). This will make Sivadeva’s last dates just precede 600 A.D. (568-
69 + 30). But we cannot brush aside the question in this manner. It will
appear from the arguments produced in the next chapter that Amsu-
varman could never adopt royal titles for a long time. That meant the
sovereign v^as living all these years though his position was no better than
that of a marionette. Let us now look into the last inscription of the series
with Rajputra Vikramasena as witness.^^ This is dated Samvat 535. This
Vikramasena appears also in one inscription of Amsuvarman^- dated
34. Both these inscriptions appear to be of the same time. The
former probably belongs to Sivadeva I, but the few letters showing the
name of the ruler are unintelligible. At any rate, one can have an
estimate about the contemporaneity of the two inscriptions. Now on
that supposition if we put 535 at Samvat 34, we have 602-03 in terms
of the Christian era. This would place the epoch year of the first

B.G.L. IV.

« B.C.L. VI.

EARLY LlCHHAVl RULERS

101

group of inscriptions at 68 A.D. So we come to the old hypothesis
of an era, the epoch year of which occurs in any year either 68 or
78 A.D. or between these two.

At any rate it looks that Sivadeva was ruling in Nepal towards
the end of the sixth century A.D. On no account his reign could have
extended back beyond 580 A.D. All this, however, follows only when
the era of the inscriptions is referred to as explained in the above para-
graph and the date figures in them read to cover all dates 510 to 535.
Any variation to reduce the period by a long margin will not be tenable.
If the date figure is read 320, either this era must be abandoned of
Sivadeva’s reign will occur two centuries earlier to Amsuvarman’s dates
against all admitted evidences. It is as well impossible to find another
era for Sivadeva s date as expressed in Golmodhitol Inscription. The
very suggestion of the era for only one record or even for the matter
of that for a few more while there is already an era in existence to fit
in the context is absurd. As we have said, there is no reason for Siva-
deva to follow an era in discontinuation of the one adopted in his pre-
decessors’ inscriptions. Had it been his own era, then the nfatter would
have been different. And certainly the era which was supposed to have
been 320 years old at the time this inscription was issued could not be
Sivadeva’s.

Agreeing with Levi, we shall push the dates of Sivadeva I right
in 630 A.D. ( -520+110) and if another inscription with 535 date
figure is attributed to his reign it will be further removed to 645 A.D.
Taking duly the former figure, we have now to disprove the contention
put forth in thb next chapter that Sivadeva had ceased to rule in that
year. But the contention is so strong that it is wholly irrefutable. If
we follow Levi we have only ten to twelve years left in the interval
after Sivadeva I’s death to the restoration of the Lichhavi family. But
inscriptions show at least forty eight years of rule by different perso-
nage for the same period. In all probabilities Lichhavi restoration
occurred some years before 643 A.D., when the Chinese mission had
visited Nepal. We can well place this event in about 638 A.D., or
a year or two later or earlier. Now by a process of subtracting 48
or 49 from 637 or 638 we can arrive at some date of Sivadeva 1. In
no case we can push the date of Sivadeva I beyond 612-613 A.D
Therefore, Levi’s hypothesis of the era of 110 A.D. is quite unsound.
Whatever be the origin of era, the epoch year must be sought at a
date which would equate 520 with 589-90 and go even farther back-
wards round about a year between 68 and 78 A.D., definitely within
these ten years.

102

ANCIENT NEPAL

Could the Sanivat of the inscriptions be referred to the Saka year?
We have found it from different sources that the Saka era of 78 A.D.
was currently adopted in North and South India in the third and fourth
and fifth centuries A.D. After the middle of the 4th century for about
two hundred years the Gupta era was also concurrently followed.®^
In this context the suggestion would readily come to refer the era of
the inscriptions to the Saka Samvat. But the intercalary asadha re-
corded along with the date figures in each of the inscriptions, dating
449, 489 and 520 cannot be verified in this way.

Levi’s analysis labours under two fundamental errors. In the
first place he proceeds under an assumption, which always excluded
any era either the Saka era or prior to it the one in his consideration.
Secondly, he never brought to his mind the Bharadvaja system to verify
the intercalary year. It never occurred to him that an intercalation
in any month of the first half year was called Adhika Asadha as was
suggested by Bharadvaja.

According to Narada-Bharadvaja system, quoted from Dharma-
nirnaye Tihhasarasangraha by L. Petech, we have “When a San-
kranli is raised (i.e. missing) in one of the months beginning with
Caitra and ending with Bhadrapada, let there be an additional Asadha
month according to the precept of the Narada. When a Sankranti is
raised (i.e. is missing) in one of the months beginning with Asvina and
ending with Phalguna, they increase (i.e. duplicate) Pausa and thus
the addition of a month is prescribed.”

“Now, ‘how is the addition of a month in relation with the half-
years {ay ana, the interval between two solstices)? When the passage
of the Sun in Cancer, Leo Virgo, Libra, Scorpieo or Sagittarius is non-
existent (in a Inner month), an additional Asadha is prescribed when
the passage of the Sun in Capricornus, Aquarius, Pisces, Aries, and
Taurus or Gemini is non-existent (in a lunar month), the wise men
make it an intercalary Pausa, The intercalary months if they consider
well the two half-years of the non-existent {sankranti) are a second
Asadha and a second Pausa according to the precepts of Bharadvaja.
Thus the chapter on the intercalary months in the Dharmanirnaye Tithi
saraSangraha”^^

Further, in the 11th and 12th centuries Jimutavahana writes

Pandc, Indian Paleography, Pp, 186ff.

Also Report of the Indian Calender Reforms Committee.

Petech, Medieval Hislon of Nepal, Pp. 17‘20, Darb. Lib. cat. 1. 16S4.11
(ff 21b-22a).

EARLY LICHHAVI RULERS

103

to confirm what Narada said for the first half year ‘when there are two
full moon in (one of the Solar year) months from Vaisakha to tula,
this must be known as a duplicated Asadha, with Visnu going to
sleep.’*

Unfortunately the Bharadvaja system also proves of no help in
this matter. No one system of reckoning, whether it is Surya siddhanta
or Arya siddhanta as well as Brahma siddhanta of both schools,
brings out an intercalary month in the first six months of all the three
years in question. The determination of the era of the first series of
inscriptions is, therefore, not an easy affair. We do not want to
labpur this point further. It would require expert knowledge of As-
tronomy to arrive at a correct result. This we leave to the astronomers.
But for the present we can fix a tentative date to suit our convenience
between 68 and 78 A.D. as suggested in the last paragraph.

Is it a Lichhavi era? Sylvain Levi was the person to give currency
to the notion of a Lichhavi era. But an era of the Lichhavi is not
within our knowledge for any time. So this era has gpt to be set up
only in the background of the inscriptions we have disclosed above.
But Sylvain Levi's premises for such an era are not likely to hold
ground in view of the epoch year being fixed up round about 78 A.D.,
which is obviously the first year of the Saka era. It is very difficult
to introduce the existence of a new era, as this would again go to coin-
cide with the date of the Saka era. Even if it may not prove answer-
ing to the phenomenon as we have calculated, one has to get round
to the view that the era of these inscriptions was Saka. •But for this
a little more search may be necessary, if only to explain the astronomi-
cal phenomena indicated by the inscriptions. If we accept the pos-
sibility of a Lichhavi era, we shall have to base our conclusion on two
assumptions, (i) that Manadeva and his successors were unaware of
the existence of such an era, and (ii) that the epoch year never coin-
cided with that of the Saka era but it rather preceded the latter with
not a narrow margin.

The Lichhavis came into the arena of Nepal after subjugating the
Kiratas. The Lichhavi era if at all it was there must commemorate
an occasion which gave them initially a victorious entry into the valley
of Nepal as Levi suggests in the passage we quoted above.

The evidence in hand does not support the attempt to calculate
the date in the inscriptions of Manadeva according to a supposed
Lichhavi era of the first or second century B.C.

* Ibid.

104

ANCIENT NEPAL

Facts of History as cited by Manadeva's Changu Inscription

1. The Crivatsa is imprinted on the graceful resplendence of his-
large and vast chest; his chest, his breasts, his arms (of lotus) shine;
he feasts. . .the three worlds are the machines of rotation which (he)

turns for his continuous distraction, he the imperishable. The

Doladri is his residence. Victory to him Hari who is worshipped cilways
by the immortals.

2 by his majesty, by his riches he diminished his troubles,

such was King Vrsadeva, the incomparable; his promise was kept by his
performances; like the Sun encircled by a mass of dazzling rays, he was
surrounded by his well behaved sons, clever, very proud, without caprices
and subdued to discipline.

3. His son, master of a prosperous empire, invincible to his-
enemies in fights, was the King named Cankaradeva. . . .very liberaU
sincere hearted. . . .by his valiance, his charity, his happiness, his riches
he acquired a great renown .... he protected the land by esteemed
lieutenants similar to the King of wild beasts.

4. His son excellent in virtuous acts. . . .clever, law-abiding or
rather the law himself, aspiring to sagacity, excellent in qualities, was the
King Dharmadeva. The law itself had nominated him as heir to a great
kingdom; his wisdom enriched the history of royal saints, and helped in
rejoicing the heart of men.

5. Hc'^ shone well;. . . .to the gods his aims, his successes, were
perfect; he possessed purity of body and heart; this prince shone like
the Moon. His spouse who was born of a pure race and enjoyed
grandeur of riches was the gocxl Rajyavati .... like the good Laksmi of
Hari,

6. After having. . . .with rays of his fame illuminated the whole
world, the king of men left to the sojourn of heaven as he would to
a walk in the park; as if beaten, tormented with fever. . . .she lan-
guished, she who loved to perform the rites in honour of the gods, before
she was separated from him.

7. Queen Rajyavati who bears the name of spouse of this king:
was really Cri in person come after him searching for an occasion ta
look at him, she in whom was born the irreproachable hero King Mana-
deva, who. . . .like the lunar star in autumn. . . .refreshed the world at
all times by his beauty.

KARLY UCHHAVl RLLKRS

105

8. She came to him with a sobbing voice and deep sighings,
the face all in tears and she said to her son tenderly “‘your father
is gone to heaven. Ah! my son now that your father has departed
what shall I do with life? Exercise, my son, the royalty. I from today
will follow your father.

9. What will 1 do with the chains of hope wrought by the
infinite variety of pleasures to live without my husband in this world
in which the meeting again appears like an illusion or a dream? I am
going.'’ Thus resolute she was and her sorrowful son pressed her feet
with his head by affection and spoke to her thus not without pain.

10. “What will r do with the pleasures? What will I do with joys
of life if I am separated from you ? I wish to be the first to stop living,
after me you can go to heaven.'’ Thus speaking the threads of his
words strung inside the lotus of his mouth and mingled with the tears,
enveloped her like a small bird, that is captured in the net.

11. In company with her son she accomplished in person the
funeral rites for her husband; virtue, charity, chastity, abstinences,
the holy abstinences had purified her heart; she entirely diiitributed to
the Brahmans her fortune in order to increase the merits of her hus-
band; she only had him at heart during the sacred ceremonies; like
Arundhati in person.

12. And this son, treasure of virtue and of nobility, patient, loved
by his subjects, acts without speaking, he smiles and while speaking he is
always the first to wish, he is energetic without pride: one cannot say
that he has not attained the highest knowledge of the world; he is
the friend of the afflicted and of orphans; he loves his guests; he causes
his petitioners to forget their susceptibilities and fears.

Ill

13. Throwing offensive and defensive weapons which he wields
with skill, he makes known his real bravery; his arms are majestic and
graceful; polished gold is not more smooth or clearer than his com-
plexion; his shoulders are broad; the blooming of the petals of the dark
lotus rival with his eyes; one would believe that he is the visible and
incarnated God of love; this King that causes the merry-making of the
coquetry of loved ones.

14. “My father has embellished the land with elegant pillars that
he erected; 1 myself received the baptism of the Ksatriyas in the prac-
tice of battles; 1 embark on an expedition to destroy my enemies towards
the eastern land very soon and the princes who will recognize my
suzerain authority, I will establish them as vassal kings.”

lOG

-ANCIENI NEPAL

15. It is iji these terms that the King spoke to his mother, freed
from her mourning and bent before her. “No, my mother, I cannot
discharge the obligations which I owe to my father by means of
penance and self-mortifications however free from blemishes, it is in
the use of weapons to which I am destined that I will be able to pay
honour to his holy memory.” His mother all joyful gave him her
consent.

16. The King then departed by the eastern road and there,
all that there existed of disloyal Princes in the provinces of the East
had to prostrate themselves and bow their heads letting fall festoons
and diadems; he made them obedient to his orders. Then undaunted
like a lion shaking his profuse mane he proceeded towards the Western
lands.

17. Hearing that the chief of that place was behaving badly
he shook his head, touched his arm slowly, which was like an elephant’s
trunk and said proudly “If he does not come to my call he must,
however, submit to my valour. What need is there for a long dis-
course? I speak in short.

18. “Today, O! my mother's brother, you who are dear to me,
cross the Gandaki which is so large, so choppy as to vie with the
ocean, with its dreadful whirlwinds and its undulating billows.

Escorted by hundreds of excellent and caparisoned horses and
elephants I follow your army in crossing the river”. His decision taken,
the King carried out his words.

19. Having conquered the town of Malla, he returned to his
country by gradual stages; and then the heart happy he gave the
Brahmans his inexahustible riches. And Queen Rajyavati was thus
spoken to with a firm voice by his virtuous son : “With a serene heart,
O ! my mother, give you also devoutly this as an offering. (Translated
by an annonymous wrtiter from Levi’s French.)

It appears from the above that during the span of three generations
the Lichhavis had consolidated their rule in the valley of Nepal and in
the adjoining areas in the Himalayas. In Manadeva’s time more terri-
tories were annexed to the domain. This inscription has recorded tales
of the raids which he had successfully carried into the areas beyond
the Gandak and subdued chiefs both in the west and east. The Lichha-
vis had not only acquired possession over an extensive Kingdom, they
had also at the same time entrenched themselves as a strong power in
the region.

A Nepalese author has attributed to Manadeva the conquest of
the present Gorakhpur district, which he identifies with the Mallapuri

EARLY LICHHAVI RULERS

107

of the Changunarayan Pillar Inscription. But the wording of the ins-
cription does not seem to denote a place like Gorakhpur situated in the
plains. According to the inscription Manadeva crosses the turbulent
Gandak to invade Mallapuri. The description of the waters of the
river suggests that it must be one of a stream flowing along a terrain
in the mountainous region. Mallapuri should be cither Palpa or a town
further west in Piuthan or Dailekh. It must have been a citadel of
the Mallas identified with the Khasa tribes of the region.

To quote Dr. R. C. Majumdar :

Tt is interesting to recall in this connection that a Maukhari King
(either Is vara Varman or Isanavarman) and the later Gupta King
Jivita Gupta I are said to have fought against some enemies in the
Himalayan region. It is not unlikely that they fought against the
Lichhavis of Nepal early in the 6th century A.D., and we may well
believe in that case that Manadeva had already established a strong
political authority in Nepal, which proved a menace to the safety of the
neighbouring regions in the south.’-^*^ For obvious reasons Manadeva’s
Kingdom does not appear to have extended to areas beVor\d the out-
skirt of the present Terai towards the south.

Queen Rajyavati seems to have been a powerful female perso-
nality of the time. Manadeva was quite devoted to her. He has
dedicated two images of Tribikram, the fifth incarnation of Visnu
(Vikrantamurtih), one at Lajimpat and another near the Pasupati
shrine, with a view to ‘enhance the virtuous deeds of his mother’ as
the inscriptions attached to these iconographs purport to s,ay. In the
Victory Pillar Inscription Rajyavati is being presented as a guardian of
her son, whose survival was quite essential to instil courage into the
despondent heart of the youthful King who was also equally over-
whelmed with grief as his mother due to the sorrowful incident of the
death of his father. When he returns from his victory march, he offers
to his mother all that he has gained. This is an example of a profound
regard entertained by a son for his mother. In order to deserve such
a deep love and reverence from her son, Rajyavati must have been a
loving mother. But she also must have surely wielded much influence
over King Manadeva.

Manadeva was not only a great conqueror but he was also a great
builder, and a patron of arts. At one place above we have referred
to his pillars and sculptures, which happen to be excellent pieces of art
creations, and uniquely marvellous for that age. Because Manadeva’s

C.. Cit. B. C. Law Volume, P. 637.

Ill, No. II: Gnoli, III.

108

ANCIENT NEPAL

records are the first of those with ascertained dates, the value of these
brackets and sculptured panels is all the greater to a student of Nepalese
history.

While we come to the time of Manadeva we find that for the first
time the dynasty in power has victory pillars and records of their achie-
vements and glorious deeds inscribed on slabs of stones. It was left
to Manadeva to expand his Kingdom and by other conspicuous deeds
to establish the foundation of the greatness of his family.

As for this greatness, the bas relief of Tribikram Visnu (Vikranta-
murtih) set up by Manadeva leads a Nepalese author to try to read
more than what is warranted by authenticated evidence.*^' Tliis man
felt that the conception of Vamana in the bas relief was inspired by
Manadcva’s patriotic love for the glorious past of the Kirata age in
the history of Nepal. He put forward a contention that Vamana meta-
phorically conveyed an idea of shortness of stature and hence supported
the Kirata affinity of the principal image in the relief. With this pre-
mise set up, he then proceeds to imagine that the statue of a horse
in the capital over the Asokan pillar at Lumbini said to have been bro-
ken to pieces on account of natural calamity or man’s vandalism was
represented by another horse image accompanying the panel of the
sculpture of Trivikram. He tries to show that Trivikram with his horse
represented the Kirata King Thunko of Nepal, contemporary of Asoka,
who had successfully resisted Indian enchroachment on the Nepalese
territory at Lumbini by felling the horse statue from the capital of the
pillar no sooner than it was erected by the Magadhan King.

To reinforce his argument this man gives his ow'ft interpretation
of certain lines of the inscription of the pillar. He calls erroneous all
other interpretations in this regard. His own interpretation is that Asoka
had prohibited animal sacrifice in Lumbini and commended to the in-
habitants of the area the Buddhist eightfold path for them to follow.

We do not intend to enter into an acrimonious debate over this
issue, for the very premise so built up is so fantastic that any debate
will be futile. But one fails to understand how this kind of interpre-
tation of the bas relief image of Trivikram could be linked to Asoka
and thereby to the Kirata history of this country.

In Puranas and in other treatises Vamana meant a dwarf.'**® In
Yajurveda as explained by Swami Dayananda***® Vamana also meant a

Nepal Guardian, A Miscellany, Pp. 11-21.

” STM SlffTW srw?r: (Raghuvamsa, 1.3).

" irWif JRJlRf ftfSTR ^

EARLY LlGHHAVl RULERS

109

ritual sacrifice undertaken with wisdom. In Kautilya’s Arthasastra
there is an expression Tritiyasyam Kubja Vamana Kirataih, meaning
Kubjas (hunchbacks), Vamana (dwarf), and Kiratas who were to
keep watch over the royal compartment. Our author wrongly takes
Vamana as a race of the same class as the Kiratas. But any concep-
tion of Vamana and Kubja as races of people is incomprehensible.

To our knowledge the word Vamana as it applies to the avatar
of Visnu does not even distantly imply any idea of racial affinity with
the Indo-Mongol Kirata of supposed dwarfish stature and physical fea-
tures. Neither the Kiratas in any way could be called dwarfish in height
nor they even were bracketed with dwarfs in any ancient treatises as
made out by the writer.

I do not know how his interpretation of the expression ubolike
Kate atha-‘bha-giyecha in the Lumbini Pillar Inscription is going to help
the author to establish the achievement of the Kirati King Thunko
represented by the Vamana over Asoka represented by King Vali!
This creates an impression that he has the habit of introducing irrele-
vant considerations to the issue just to make it look impoiing. Not
to talk of other vital evidences going against his hypothesis we have
yet to find out liistorical data for Thunko, and other rulers of the Kirata
dynasty. It is not even ascertained if Thunko was Asoka’s contem-
porary.

But of all the persons why should Thunko, a Buddhist on the
author’s own admission, commit a sacrilegious act of breaking the pillar
which was erected to honour the memory of the Lord? Why Thunko
thought fit to strike only the Lumbini pillar, and not the Rampurwa
and Lauria Nandangarh pillars that lie much closer to his seat of
power in the Nepal valley? Does our author then maintain that
Nepal’s present international boundary line on the south was the same
as it is today? And then of all the persons why Manadeva, a devotee
of Visnu, and a Kastriya par excellence who was also not in anyway
disrespectful to Buddha* should take upon himself the task of
commemorating the occasion to glorify a Kirata? Equally he has also
failed to explain why Thunko himself left no trace of his exploits, as it
was open to the Kirata King to inscribe in the same pillar whatever he
wanted. Manadeva has not a word to say about this event or about
the Kiratas in the inscriptions. But our author readily offers his ex-
planation, although at times in the same article he has rejected many

•According to this author Manadeva who had constructed a monastery after
his own name must have been a devotee of Sakyamuni.

110

ANCIENT NEPAL

a theory because these had not been corroborated by the data of
Inscriptions.

The iconographic representation of Vamana is not a particular
creation of Nepal. Whenever the Trivikram-Vali episode is found de-
picted, the scene may have a horse in the background amidst other ob-
jects of the entire parapharnalia of Asvamedha Yajna. How will our
author account for the existence of a horse in a similar panel of Tri-
vikram traced in India?^*^ As a matter of fact the bas relief in question
does not look different from such reliefs available in India, and the
agreement exhibited in features between these is down to the minutest
point in details.^^

The theme of the bas relief is very simple. This is an ordinary
theme of Indian classical sculpture. The representation depicts the
exploits of Vamana as the fifth incarnation of Visnu. King Manadeva,
the donor, in his inscription says that ‘having a mind to do good to his
mother, and always to enhance her virtues he caused to build the temple
as Laksmi and set up the image of Visnu Vikrantamurtih, the Lord of
the UniveF^e, who was exalted by gods and sages. The object of con-
structing the temple with Vikrantamurti as the principal deity is clear.
It was to honour his mother’s memory. In the Inscription No. I Rajya-
vati has been compared with Laksmi (Sri). So, here the temple was
conceived in the likeness of Laksmi. There is nothing allegorical in
the representation. The very basis of our author’s imagery is illogi-
cal and fantastic.

Manadeva’s reign was certainly eventful as we suggested earlier.
But why should one build a hypothesis of supposed eventfulness and
aU on false premises?

Towards the end of his career Manadeva appears to have assumed
a full royal title of Maharaja as appears from an unpublished inscrip-
tion.‘*2 (427 Samvat). He is also the first king of Nepal to have to
bis name records of inscriptions that are dated. These factors together
with the pillars and images speak eloquently about his outstanding
position in the history of Ancient Nepal. He did not need to invoke
the so called glory of the Kirata King to prove his own greatness.

Referring to the era of Manadeva’s inscriptions, the same author
wrote ‘this new Lichhavi era of Nepal is unlike any other contempo-
rary eras of India in that it records the year, the month by name, the

*\]BRS, XL, 4, Pp. 300-02.

J. N. Bancrji : Development of Hindu Iconography, Plate, XXIV.

T. A. G. Rao: Elements of Hindu Iconography in 2 volumes, Vol. I,
p. 161 ff.

** In the possession of the Archaeological Department.

EARLY LlCIIHAVl RULERS

fortnightly phase of the moon, and the actual date on which the event
has taken place. Paleographically this (Manadcva’s) inscription can
be safely assigned to second and third century A.D.’ He further says,
‘On the authority of Dr. Buhler the Indians divided their year into three
seasons consisting of four months each, and the months were expressed

in numerical order This system prevailed in India from the age

of Asoka down to the fifth century A.D. and till considerably late in
South India.’

But all this is absolutely wrong. As early as the first century A.D.
we have an inscription of the time of Rudradaman, which has Varse
dvipanchase (50+2) phagun (Phalgun) bahulasa (dark fortnight)
dvitiyabare (second day).^^ The Indo-Bactrians also mentioned the
month and day in their records.^^ All Saka Pahlava (Scytho-Par-
thians) inscriptions except the earliest two have the name of the
month, fornight according to the phase of the moon and the day. One
inscription, that of Gondaphames, reads Mahatayasa Guduvhrasa
Vasa 20+4+1 + 1 samvatsarayeti satimaye 100+1 + 1+1 Vesakhasa
masasa divase prathame pure bahale pakse.^^ ' It is true <that a few
inscriptions of the Indo-scythians and Kusanas have Greek or Mace-
donian months. But this does not detract from the usual mode of re-
ckoning followed in records of the period. After the Kusana period,
all inscriptions, whether following Vikrama, Krita, Malava or Saka
eras, mention in particular month, fortnight and day by name.^^ The
Nepal King Manadeva’s predecessors, the Guptas in the Indo-Gangetic
plain without exception followed the same rule.'^^

Now it appears that our author has no intimate knowledge of the
inscriptions of ancient India, he wrote with half digested materials he
received from alien scholars and these also written half a century ago.
Naturally the conclusions reached on that basis appear quite inconsistent
with facts of our history.

But this is a clue to understanding the working of our author’s
mind which was responsible for distorting some of the simple and clear
data of the documents of our history. Obviously the man who tried
to create a fuss out of Thunko’s achievement’ proceeded to argue his
case from an insufficient knowledge of Indian and Nepalese history.

‘•Andhaii Stone Inscriptions, EL XVL 23ff.

** Shinkot steatite casket Inscriptions of the reign of Menander, EL XXIV, p. 7.

Takht-i'Bahi stone, CII, IL p- 62; Also Indian Paleography by R. B.
*®Nandayupa Inscription, El, XXVII, Banala and Badva Yupa Inscriptions,
El, XXIII, p. 52.

♦"XXI, p. 8lf; CIL IIL Pp. 25-31.

112

ANCIEN f NEPAL

It may be casually mentioned here that not only the system of
reckoning but also the orthographic and etymological data in the inscrip-
tions of Manadeva and his successors are very much allied to those
of the Indian inscriptions belonging to the Gupta period.

Chronology Rectified

From certain verses of the Inscription No. I, we have an idea of the
personalities of Manadeva and of his predecessors. In some of the para-
graphs above we have also in a way defined the regnal data of Manadeva,
which should be interpreted as suggested in terms of an era begginning
from a certain year in between 68 and 78 A.D. (both dates inclusive). It
is now the stage to fix even though tentatively the various regnal years
of these rulers vis-a-vis tlie date of the inscriptions. We have pre-
pared a table for this purpose, which would also include some of
Manacieva’s successors upto Bhimarjunadeva. This table would bring
in 1 3 names of the Lichhavi dynasty in verification of the order stated
by Jayadeva's inscription (BGL’s 15). For the allotment of regnal
years, we start with Manadeva. The first available date of Manadeva
has been rendered 386 + 68—78=454—464. If we allot 25 years
each on the average to the predecessors of Manadeva, the first date of the
reign of Vrsadeva would be placed somewhere in 386-90 A.D. Dates
of other rulers would follow consecutively in that order and where ins-
criptional data are available they would tend to be determined in the
light of the evidence provided, in them. Now to. the table proper,

Dates of

Probable dates

In terms

inscription

of reign.

• of C.E.

Vrsadeva

305-330

387-412

Sankaradeva

330-355

412-437

Dharmadeva

355-384

437-462

Manadeva

386-427

384-427

462-505

Mahideva

427-428

505-506

Vasantadeva

428-454

428-465

510-543

Ramadeva

469

465-482

543-560

Ganadeva

482-489

482-500

560-578

Sivadeva

510-520

500-535

575-86-

-535

616-17

Udayadeva who died a Yuvaraja — 613 A.D.

Dhruvadeva Bhimarjunadeva

lia\e calculated the figures in the C. E. column according to the epoch
year of 78. If one has to follow 68, ten years will have to be deducted.

EARLY I.ICHHAVI RULERS

113

Manadeva of Sumatitantra with his date SaKa 498 could be acco-
mmodated in between Ganadeva and Sivadeva I.

Manadeva\s Successors

The above list differs much from the one that would emerge if
the same was framed on the basis of the genealogies provided in the Ins-
criptions, Nos. 1 and 15 when they are put together. Three names which
prominently figure as rulers in some other inscriptions are not mentioned
at all in these two inscriptions. One name, that of Mahideva,
stands in the Inscription No. 15 in spite of the absence of any
records of inscriptions in his name. The interval between the
last record of Manadeva and the first record of Vasantadeva
is not of more than a year. Quite possibly this monarch had
a short reign. He was probably too much engaged in internal
squabbles to think of activities worthy to be engraved in stones.
As the Mahasamantas of the Gupta family appear to be dominant in
the scene after him it can be guessed that he was ousted, because of
their conspiracy. In one inscription the chief Samanta lOf the day
Kramalilah arrogates to himself the title of Maharaja as did the Rana
Prime Ministers since 1846 for about hundred years. This shows the
extent of their powers. But Mahideva is respectfully noted in one
of the inscriptions by Jisnugupta. The expression used is Bhattaraka
Maharaja Sri Vasuraja, Sri Mahideva, Sri Manadeva, Sri Ganadeva,
Srmat Pitamaha Sri Bhumagupta i(y etaih purvarajavih asmadgurubhih
etc.^*^ Jisnugupta places his grandfather Bhumigupta ip the same
status and order with the Lichhavi monarchs. It was certainly intended
to convey the impression that his Gupta ancestor enjoyed rank and
power equal to those of the Lichhavi Kings who were then seated on
the throne. Indeed for abouf half a century the three Gupta person-
alities, Ravigupta, Kramalilah and Bhaumagupta were all in all. As
we search in vain about them in Sivadeva’s inscriptions, we conclude
that with Sivadeva on the throne the Gupta family could no longer
maintain their advantageous position in the state. There is an inter-
regnum of about 25 years between Ganadeva and Sivadeva I, 489-515,
which is not filled by any data of inscriptions. Could this be explained
by referring to a protracted civil war between the Samanta Guptas
and Amsuvarman’s collaborators?

In the beginning Vasantadeva probably ruled without the aid of
the Gupta Prime Minister, But the dutaka is a Gupta potentate,

*®Gnoli, LIV: Itihas Prakas, I, Pp. 58-59.

114

ANCIENT NEPAL

Virochanagupta.®“ That means the Gupta family was gaining in
strength in the palace, the Gupta dutaka of the first inscription is
simply Yajnika, the performer of sacrifices. The next two inscrip-
tions (435 and 449) have as dutaka Sarvadandanayak • Mahaprati-
hara Ravigupta.’*’ The style is changed. The all powerful Gupta Prime
Minister is functioning in full glory and power. Ravigupta must have
been appointed a few years earlier than S 435. If Sarvadandanayaka
and Mahapratihara mean Generalissimo and Prime Minister, then there
is no doubt that this man enjoyed all the powers of a dictator behind
the throne. In another inscription discovered at the village of Balambu
(4 to 5 miles west of Kathmandu) there is one more figure Maharaja
Mahasamanta Kranililah along with Ravigupta with the usual desig-
nation,^^ who stand as advisers of the King for the decree. Obviously
Ravigupta even as Prime Minister was not able to ignore this particular
Mahasamanta who had grown to stature. We are not in a position
to trace the genealogy of this man. But when we see the word
Kusali used after his name in an inscription of Ramadeva in the same
manner as«it is done in all cases where there are royal names,'"’® we
cannot refrain from saying that Kramalilah with the title of the Maha-
raja acknowledged by the ruling sovereign had enjoyed the most
advantageous position to overshadow the throne and function from
behind as the sole ruler of the country.

It appears that as time passes the Gupta Prime Minister grows in
strength, appears alongside of the sovereign in inscriptions as an adviser
to overshadow him and finally as in the case of the last two reigns
of the period adopt pompous titles in contrast to show the puppet — ^like
position of the person on the throne. As for example, Paratna daivata
Bappa Bhattaraka Maharaja Sri^ Padanudhyata Srutanaya
daya dana daksinya punya pratapa vikasita kirtih bhattaraka Maha-
raja Kusali {Gnoli XII, XIII) is the usual title adopted by Vasantadeva
but in none others whether in inscriptions of Ramadeva or Ganadeva
we have more than the usual simple designation, Bhattaraka Maharaja.

From another inscription of ChowkHar Balambu,®'* which is the
first of Ganadeva, we have the last of such Gupta figures of repute,
by name Sarvadandanayaka Mahapratihara Bhaumagupta identified as
Jisnugupta's grandfather’s elder brother (vide his inscription).

In the inscription of Tyagal tole Deopatan Bhaumagupta is known

•"Gnoii, xn.

“ B. G. L., III. Gnoli.XIII; Levi, HI, vi; GnoH, XIV.
••Gnoli, XV. ••Gnoli, XVII.

“GnoU, XIX.

EARLY LICHHAVI RULERS

115

as Parama daivata Sri Bhaumagupta padanudhyata vidita vinaya
Saswat Kusala Karmani Upahlta paramanugraha prakrista kulajanma,
which is in contrast to the simple address of the ruler.^^ This confirms
our statement of the last paragraph.

We shall say more about these Guptas in the next section.

As already observed the two decades since Samvat 489 are unfilled
by inscriptional data. But it does not seem to have been covered by a
new regime. To Sivadeva who appears under a new designation of
Lichhavi Kulaketu can be ascribed a mutilated stone inscription of
S 515. He has twelve others, and all these arc decrees of his issued
with the advice of Mahasamanta Amsuvarman.^'** None of his inscrip-
tions have omitted to mention Amsuvarman, and in all he is so highly
praised that one is sometimes tempted to treat the statement as being
made by a weak monarch to humour his superbly powerful minister.
It is said that King Sivadeva unlike his compatriots in the history who
have left records in stone or copper says little about himself except to
call himself Bappa Padanudhyata and the banner of ^ the Lichhavi
family, the only adjective Sivadeva has used for himsel#, and this
invariably in all inscriptions.-"^^ But this is not wholly true. Although
he does not use competing titles, he has at least some epithets such as
aparimita gum Samudayobhuasita Yasah or in absence Sruta nayavinaya
Saurya dhairya virryadya sesa Sadguna ganadhara^^ or in absence
of both prasastanekaguna ganadhara.^^ Even so, there is no doubt
that all expressions signifying praise and glory are as it were reserved
for his Mahasamanta. At one place he is designated a» Maharaja-
dhiraja,®^^ at another he is Pranata Samanta Siromani, Jewel of the
Samantas, their destroyer and whose glories shine in the firmament by
dint of his own deeds. We have dwelt on this aspect of the problem
in the next chapter where Amsuvarman’s life and character have been
considered in detail. For the present it will suffice to say that from
the very start of his reign Sivadeva I was under the tutelage of Amsu-
varman who was the power of the realm and guided the destiny of the
nation in the King’s name. The following extract from one of Siva-
deva’s inscriptions is reproduced here, and it is hoped that a convincing
proof of the domineering position of the High Feudatory is obtained
thereby :

Gnoli, XXH to XXXIV.

Levi, III. B. G. L., V, Gnoli, XXVII.

Gnoli, XXXIV. Gnoli, XXXIII.

«^B€ngal, I; B. G. L., lA, XIV Pp, 97ff; Gnoli, XXIV; Levi, IX; Gnoli XXV;

Gnoli, XXXIV.

116

ANCIENT NEPAL

aparimita guna sampat lAchhavi Kulanandakaro bhattaraka
maharaja Sri Sivadeva Kusali Svagunamanimayukhaloka
dhwastagnanatimirena bhagvat bhavapada pankaja prana-
manustana tataparyyopattayatihita Sreyasa Svabhujayuga
balotbata khila bairi barggena Sri mahasamanta Amsu-
varmana Vignapitena (Levi, XII; Gnoli, XXXI).

The Ahir Guptas

The Goala or Ahir dynasty of Nepal is placed at the beginning of
the Nepalese history. These kings as having the Guptan appendage
after their names have been traced to the Gupta chronology and accord-
ing to Dr. Jayaswal they form only a branch of the Imperial Guptas.

Their position in the history, however, has been wrongly ante-
dated. The Gupta influence dates in the fourth century A.D. and,
therefore, there is absolutely no ground to push them off to the period
previous to the Lichhavis. They must come sometime after the fifth
century A.D. as confirmed by the MMK, which depicts a stage of
anarchy after Manadeva and a situation mainly dominated by these
Guptas.®*

Though M. Levi and others have tried to dismiss the existence
of this dynasty as a mere chronological figment, we have from the
MMK and from several other sources reliable evidence as to their
inhabitation and rule in the valley. We have also a reference to some
Gupta personages in Nepalese inscriptions (lA, ix, p. 16 ff.). But no
one can say with certainty that they ever ruled from the throne.

The question now to be discussed is, are they a branch of the
Imperial Guptas ? On this question Jayaswal’s learned opinion is most
conclusive. The only point we like to add here is that the chronicler
has further clarified the position by the caste distinction of the Guptas
as Ahirs, which not only supports the identification between the two
lines but also confirms the nature of the caste of the Imperial Guptas
who have been mentioned as Ahir or Abhir in the Indian Chronologies.

We have an inscription of the mother of Bhaumagupta, where
she calls herself as Ahiri.®® This Bhaumagupta appears as Generalissimo
and grand usher in Ganadeva’s inscriptions. Now all doubt is cleared
about the Abhir family of the Nepal Guptas.

The kinetic identification rests also on the close resemblance of
the coinage of the two stocks, the expression being noticeable in the
ima^s as Garuda in the coin of Jayagupta, which is significant of their

Sa^trasampata hidhwasta vidyalupfa luptarajano mlechha taskara sexHnah,
Gnoli, XVI.

EARLY LICHHAVI RULERS

117

Guptan origin and an acknowledgment of that to a common emblem
(JBORS, 1936, iii, p. 244).

Fleet has calculated the first date for the dynasty taking the initial
year of the Gupta era and adding to it 88, which is calculated as
407-08 A.D. Our calculation, however, has shown that the dynasty
must have come to power sometime in the fifties of the fifth century
A.D. which are the probable dates for Manadeva and his successor.
For the first time the Gupta personages figure as important officers of
the State®^ in Vasantadeva’s inscription and thereafter for the next
three geenrations of rulers.

Bhumigupta seems to be the same person as Bhugupta whose
name the MMK has noted. He is Bhaumagupta in all inscriptional
records^^ except in Jisnugupta's reference to him as his grandfather,
where he spells Bhumi. He might be an earlier contemporary of Amsu-
varman and according to Kirkpatrick’s authority his son and successor
was the last ruler of this line. The chronicle mentions the present day
little village of Matatirtha on the north west ridge of the valley as the
capital of the Ahir Guptas. •

According to chronicles the following is the list of powerful per-
sonages belonging to this dynasty who preceded Bhugupta. K. P. Jaya-
swal allocates the following probable dates for their reigns : —

Paramagupta

500

A.D.

Harsagupta

525

A.D.

Manigupta

550

A.D.

Visnugupta

575.

A.C.

Yaksagupta — Jayagupta II(K)

590

A.D.

Paramagupta is identified with Parakrama of MMK, who wrested
power from the Lichhavis. He is probably Kramalilah, — The Maharaja
Samanta of the reign of Vasantadeva and Ramadeva.®® His grandson
Bhismagupta had two sons, one of whom ruled from Simraongarh,
twenty miles south east of Raxaul. The other son Visnugupta had to
leave the Nepal valley under pressure of invasion by Manadeva II
identified with the one of Sumatitantra, but the final expulsion of the
dynasty took place some years later at the hands of Manadeva’s suc-
cessor. There was a short lived revival under Yaksagupta who is iden-
tified with Vatsaka of MMK. There is also a coin with the legend
Vaisravana, which is ascribed to Yaksagupta. The coin which has the

I. A., XIV. P. 34s5, Khuktmana Guptabarsh and not Guptam Jatvarsh,
according to Fleet, signifies the calculation according to Gupta era. Levi re-
gards the earlier Guptas as mere fictitious names (ii, p. 158).

Gnoli, XIX, XX.

Inscriptions, Gnoli, Op. Cit.

118

ANCIENT NEPAL

image of a man with a bull has, on all opinions, been declared to belong
to Pre-Amsuvarman era and therefore to the reign of Yaksagupta.

Historians have said that there was another line of the same
dynasty seated in the Terai, which had branched off from the main
line since the time of Jisnugupta. Its foremost representative was
Jayagupta II whose coins, gold and copper, were dug out from the
ruins in Champaran. These coins give inscriptions in Guptan charac-
ter of the age of Harsa. A clay mould also has been traced to him
out of the Nalanda excavated store (JBORS, ibid, p. 215). But
whether it will be proper to connect him with Jisnugupta cannot be said
with certainty, for the above is just a guess work.

The chronicles give yet one more line of three rulers following
Jayagupta II. It is not at all improbable in view of the coins of Vara-
sinha available in the Terai that Jayagupta’s dynasty was superseded
by that of Varasimha. It may be that this line continued to rule in
the Terai as feudal lords upto the accession of Amsuvarman to power,
who finally liquidated the Gupta dynasty.

Howe-^er, before they were ousted, the Guptas appear to have
held the most predominant place in the affairs of the State. The
account of their having set up their own regime must not be true. But
there cannot be any doubt that for about a period of 75 years they
constituted the real power behind the throne. In all records of inscrip-
tions issued by Vasantadeva, Ramadeva and Ganadeva they enjoy the
same status as goes to Amsuvarman and Jisnugupta under their respec-
tive sovereigns. If Amsuvarman and Jisnugupta have been designated as
de facto rulers, there is no reason that the same designation should be
denied to Ravigupta, Kramalilah and Bhaumagupta who figure in the
earlier inscriptions. The author of the Manjusritantra had probably
accepted his story from a biased source. It shows bias against the
Gupta family.

Religiori Early Nepal

Although no idea of the time while the earliest aboriginal beliefs
played the part of religion in early Nepal could be obtained from re-
cords, we get a glimpse of the prevalence of the cult of Visnu and Siva
from the very earliest inscriptions available to us.

Manadeva invokes the blessing of Hari in his Changu Narayana Pillar
Inscriptio-n.®^ He also constructs a temple in honour of Visnu Vikran-
tamurti and worships his image.®® His queen Ksemasundari builds

Levi, No. 1.

«« Gnoli. III.

EARLY LICHHAVI RULERS

119

with devotion a temple to harbour a Sivalinga.®''^ Another queen of his,
Vijaya Swamini, honours goddess Vijaya Sri whose image she set up in
a templej^ By Manadeva’s order Naravarman sets up a Sivalinga.

During his reign Ratnasangha establishes a shrine of Ratnesvar^^
and Guhyamitra, the leader of the merchant community, erected an image
of the Sun-god (Divakara) by name Indra."^^ Others followed suit in
setting up Sivalingas and building temples One Abhiri princess wor-
shipped Siva Anuparamesvara*^^ in a temple of her own construction.
Ganadeva announces that Bhaumagupta performed a great act of piety
by erecting an image of Sankara-Narayana combining in one the two
manifestation of God, Murari and Isvara.^^ With a few exceptions all
these inscriptions are full of devotional themes of songs and praise to
one or either of the two supreme deities of the Siva-Visnu Sect.

In the seventh century A.DJone of Nepal's most illustrious Lichhavi
Kings, Jayadeva Jl, referred in his inscription to all his ancestors as
devotees of Siva.'^^‘

Thus the old thesis that the Lichhavi rulers while entering Nepal
had carried the the cult of Buddhism does not hold ground. The message
of Buddhism influenced the Lichhavi rulers of Nepal only at a very late
stage.

From the Inscription of Manadeva it looks quite certain that he
and his predecessors were all followers of Siva and Visnu. There is
not a line or a word to suggest that any one of them accepted the Bud-
dhist cult. There is jiot even a distant reference to Buddhism in these
documents. Probably the monastery named after Mana(^deva) came
into existence much later, and it might have been constructed by one
of his successors who wanted to pay homage to his memory in that way.
As ManadevaVihara figures in the contents of the Inscriptions of the
time of Amsuvarman, it is also quite likely that Manadeva II was the
person meant to have been associated with the monastery of that name.

The omission of any reference to Buddhism also in the later inscrip-
tions issued in the time of Manadeva’s successors indicates that the early
Lichhavi rulers were all of them out and out followers of Saivism and
Visnuism.

Lazimpat Stone Inscription, also published in Itihas Samsodlian, 41.
Palanchok Stela.

” Gnoli, VI.

^«Levi. No. in.

” Gnoli, X (Te-bahal).

Gnoli, IV.

« Gnoli, XX.

G. L. 15.

120

ANCIENT NEPAL

It is possible that Buddhism in this period had been totally over-
shadowed. But it may have continued to be as much popular with the
masses as Saivism. Nevertheless it is difficult to ascertain the position*
of Buddhist faith in ancient Nepal in view of the lack of any kind of
materials bearing on the subject. The question is, did it ever appear
as a major religion in the very early centuries of Nepalese history?

For the first time the reference to Buddhism as such is available
from an inscription of Amsuvarman dated Samvat 32 (Levi, XIX) which
records donation of some money to certain monasteries (Vihara).

Both Mahayana and Hinayana had obtained considerable following;
during the time of Amsuvarman.

There is no direct evidence of the time when Buddhism was intro-^
duced into Nepal. While Hiuen Tsang wrote about Nepal Buddhism
seems to have been widely practised. This is the only reliable evidence
of the prevalence of this cult in the 7th century coming from an alien
source in addition to the contemporary reference of the Nepalese ins-
criptions. If a legendery tale is to be cited then there is the Mulasarvasti--
vada Vimya (tide below) which talks of Ananda, the Lord’s own dici*-
pie, paying a visit to the Nepal valley. This meant that the inhabitants
of Nepal were converted into Buddhism during the time of Lord Buddha
himself. Recently some persons have tried to draw an inference from
certain undefined sources attributing to some of our ancient stupas inti-
mate associations with Buddha Kasyapa and Krakuchhanda. The
Swayambhu Purana, a work of the 15th century A.D., has the very
Primordial Buddha in the valley blosoming as Primal energy in the shape
of a liill and this was long long before Sakyamuni was h^>rn. But one
does not know how far to give credence to these accounts.

Undoubtedly, if the earlier group of inscriptions are non-communi-
cative on this point, we are apt to read more than an ordinary signi-
ficance in their silence. But any attempt to try to jump to a conclusion
without the adequate evidence in support should be discouraged. There
is no doubt about the prevalence of Brahmanical cult since the very
beginning of our history. As such if ever a suggestion was made ascri-
bing Saiva influence to the advent of Gupta Samantas, this should also
be discarded. But nothing about Buddhism as it obtained in ancient
Nepal should be entertained without definite evidence to confirm or to
contradict.

CHAPTER IV

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

For the history of Nepal upto the time of Amsuvarman we have
to wholly depend on a weak structure of insufficiently proved evidence
supplied by the confusing data of various inscriptions and exaggerated
and contradictory accounts of local legends. The reign of Amsuvar-
man, however, can be established by correct historical references from
the contemporary accounts of Hiuen Tsang (Yuan Chwang) and from
locally traced inscriptions, which are nevertheless conclusive and, there-
fore, there is all truth in the statement that his date is a pivot in the
history of Nepal to move up and down for several centuries.^

From local evidence gathered through inscriptions of himself and of
Sivadeva I Amsuvarman is known as early as Samvat«3() as the
contemporary of the latter and as his Mahasamanta (High Feudatory).
The last of the series of such inscriptions have indicated also a changed
status, popularly ascribed to his royalty which he assumed towards the
end of his reign. But the epoch of these inscriptions is still being
wrongly attributed to Harsa era in complete ignorance or disregard of
foreign evidence, which has confused the main basis of Amsuvarman’s
history. We have now to see how the reference to Harsa-era or any
other era is resting on weak grounds.

According to views ascribing the epoch to 606-07 A.D.^^ to
which almost all the authors^ up till now with the exception of M.
Levi and Jayaswal have unanimously subscribed, the following causes
supply sufficient grounds for not taking it as otherwise,

(1) The account of the Vamsavali (chronology) purports that
Vikramaditya conquered Nepal just before Amsuvarman founded the
Thakuri dynasty, which must be an indirect allusion to Harsa’s con-
quest of Nepal.®

(2) According to the same authority we have the existence of

"K. P. Ja>aswal, JBORS. 1936, III, p. 161.

MA, IX, Pp. 170-78; Levi, III, Pp. 61-69.

‘‘Cunningham, Indian Eras, Pp. 157ff.

Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, (CII, 111) , p. 178.

MA, XIII, 412ff; XIV, p. 349ff; Basak, History of N,E, India, Pp. 239-302;
H. C. Ray, Dynastic History of India. Vol. I. Pp. 786-92.

‘ Bhagwan Lai Indraji; lA, XIII, p. 420; Wright, p. 130; Archaeological
Survey Report, i, p. 280.

122

ANCIENT NEPAL

the Vaisya “Rajput dynasty at Nawakot which the chonicler referred to
in connection with his lineage, which must be taken to show Harsa’s esta-
blishment of his kinsmen in the hills after his victory over the Lichhavis.
The word Panchalika in his inscriptions is a reference to his origin from
Panchala/^

(3) Sri Harsa was a Vaisya Rajput as also confirmed by Yuan
Chwang who calls him Feshe and therefore Amsuvarman, a Vaisya
Rajput, must be his relative and nominee to the throne in NepalJ

(4) The passage in Harsa Charitam of Banabhatta, which lite-
rally means ‘the taking of Tushara Shaila’ is a reference to his conquest
of the hill kingdom of Nepal. ^

(5) The statement of Yuan Chawang that Amsuvarman was a
past sovereign is wrong and must have been based on hear-say infor-
mation, as his note was taken in Vaisali and not in Nepal.'^

(6) The identity between their respective paleographs of the
two rulers means that one is the subordinate of the other.^^^

(7) The fact of Pausa intercalation which shows such a pheno-
menon only in 640 A.D. as applicable to Amsuvarman’s period con-
firms the Harsa epoch of Amsuvarman’s inscription from astronomical
and inscriptional data.^^

(8) Aditya Sena, the great-grand-father of Jayadeva II of (S)
153, has used Harsa era 88 and it is but natural that his grandson should
have followed the same era 73 years later, which will put again Amsu-
varman’s inscriptions to similar position as belonging to the same series
of lower dated epigraphic evidence.^-

Against the above we have the following :

(1) The account of Vikramaditya’s invasion of Nepal is quite
wrong as not only no Vikramaditya came to Nepal but also Harsa’s

« I A, IX, IV; Levi, HI, No. 13, I A, XIII; Fleet lA, XIV.

’'Vaisya as Feshi is identified by A. Cunningham in his Ancietit Geography
of India, Pp. 432-33. Also see Buhler, EP. Indica I, p. 68. note 4; Hoernie,
IP AS. 1903. p. 35.

* lA, ix, pp. 342-51, GI, pp. 177-91; XIII, p. 420 ff.

»IA, IX, Pp. 342-51, GI. Pp. 177-91; lA, XIII. p. 420fF.

In Naisadha there is a line iiipeya Nepala Nripala palaya (12, 43) .

* lA, XIII, p. 421; Levi, Le Nepal (II, 65) also believes in this assumption,
though his grounds of doing so and his conclusion are different.

^ R. D. Banerji in El, IX, Pp. 286-87, Pannikar supports the Harsa Era in
Sri Harsa of Kanauj, p. 57 (1922) . V. Smith {Catalogue of Coins in the Indian
Museum, p. 280) and Etiinghansen also support the same view.

Buhler in lA, XIX, 1890, p. 49. Also see the views of Prof. Schram
of Vienna as quoted by him in I A, XV, p. 338. He obtained the mean inter-
calation of the Pausa in 640 A.D. so that the epoch of the era in the inscription
dating Samvat 34 (Bendall Journey, p. 74) fell in 606-07 A.D.

^^Arch. Survey. Report, XV. PL XI, XVI, Pp. 73-76; El, VIII, p. 40 for his
Junagarh Inscription of 72 A.D, The above are from Aphsan inscription.

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

123

conquest never extended beyond the present boundary of the Gorakh-
pur district. The chronicler on whose veracity of accounts our scholars
have relied to suit their own convenience misinterpreted the term Sam-
vat in Amsuvarman’s inscriptions to have followed the epoch of the
Vikrama era. But even he (Amsuvarman) does not mention Harsa
who in his turn did not use the title of Vikramaditya.^^

(2) His (Harsa’s) settlement in the valley is equally wrong as he
never visited it. On the other hand the alleged settlement of the Vaisya
Rajput in the valley is anterior to Harsa’s accession to power (lA, IX,
p. 168; Levi, III, pp. 55-68). Panchalika does not indicate allusion
to the region of Panchala, nor his (Amsuvarman) visit to Prayag as
mentioned by the chronicle stands valid with reference to the place at
the confluence of the Ganges and Jamuna.^"* In Nepal such places of
pilgrimage have only local connotation and they refer to areas inside the
valley. Panchala is modern Panauti^^ and Prawag is near the pond of
Godavari, six miles south east of Kathmandu; Panchalika, therefore,
should be understood as meaning inhabitants of Panauti jr alternatively
a committee of management as rightly interpreted by Bhagwanlalji.

(3) Amsuvarman, though stated to be a Rajput by the chroni-
cler, was not of the stock to which Sri Harsa belonged, as no reference
to the Vaisya Rajput clan is made in his connection,^^' while the inscrip-
tions are silent about his lineage to dismiss any such inference.

(4) The passage in the Harsa Charitam has no other significa-
tion than what is intended for literally and there is no justification to
interpret the story as something connected with Harsa’s conquest of
Nepal, when wn find that not only the reference is vague but it also
is capable of an entirely different interpretation and perhaps the only
right interpretation is the one by. which Turusa may stand for the country
of the Rishikas in the North-Western frontier.^"

(5) The statement of Yuan Chwang is not based on hearsay
evidence, for not only there is adequate reason to support the fact of
his visit in this valley but there is also no ground to disbelieve it as well
as to dismiss his observation as mere hearsay, when we find in him an
actual observer of things and men in all respects and it is only logical that
he might have written his note on Nepal on correct information if not by
personal investigation on the spot. M. Julien maintains on the basis of

'3EU VIII, P. 313; El, IX, No. Ill, P. 313; R. C. Tripathi, History of Kanauj,
Pp. 96, 135.

Wright, p. 133. E. A. Pires, The Maukharis, p. 134.

« Levi, II. p. 144.

Wright, p. 133.

Levi. II, Pp. 143-44. Also read M. Ettinghansen ‘Harasvardan et Poet’,
1906, p. 47.

124

ANCIENT NEPAL

Siyaki’s translation of the pilgrim’s memories^® that he visited Nepal as
he has expressly omitted this country from the list of those not visited
by him, which were those lying beyond Samatata.^® Amsuvarman
is referred to in his note as a King ruling just before 637 A.D., the
year of Yuan Chwang’s visit to Vaisali and Nepal. We have, therefore,
no tenable ground to take him as alive till 645 A.D.; which is the only
conclusion to be arrived at, when his inscription of the year 39 is re-
ferred to the Harsa era.^® There is yet another proof against regarding
Amsuvarman as alive in 645 A.D., for in that year the T’ang Annals
tell us that the rular in Nepal was some body else ‘Na-lini-famo’ by name,
which certainly is not the same as ‘An-chu-Famo-^ the name used
by the pilgrim for Amsuvarman.-- Similarly the attempt to connect
him with Yasodharman of Malwa must be dismissed as Amsuvarman is
referred to in Yuan Chwang’s notes as a recent King.-*^

(6) As regards paleographic evidence not only the paleograph
in Nepal has a retardaire characteristic, but also on R. D. Banerji’s
own admission^ it resembles much like that presented in Yasodharman’s
Mandsar inscription, which shows the inconclusive and deceptive nature
of such evidence.2^ Paleographically the significance of contemporary
Nepalese inscriptions is much helpful and one such of Jisnugupta’s ins-
criptions definitely puts his death much earlier than 639 A.D.-'® by its
reference to the former as the ruler ruling before 639 A.D. (Thankot
Inscription) .

(7) The intercalation in Pausa must be referred to only one year,
the year 629 A.D. and not to any year beyond that^®. Bendall’s cal-
culation was based on Brahma Siddhanta (journey, p. 8) which accord-
ing to Sewell (Siddhantas and the Indian Calendar, P. X) is too far-
fetched as Brahmasiddhanta was of a period definitely post Amsuvar-
man and therefore, cannot be said to have held the field in 629 or
before. This also negatives Levi’s statement that according to Brahma

Julien, Memorie, Tome I, p. 408; Beal, II, Pp. 81-82; lA, IX, p. 419.

Watters, II, p. 187; Cunningham, AGl, p. 646; JRAS, XVII, p. 126.

lA, IX, p. 170.

Levi, I, Pp. 154-55. The statement as to Amsu's death at the time when
Yuan Chwang took his note is obvious from his reference to him as a past King.

*^Levi, I, Pp. 160, 165, 166; II, Pp. 165-66; lA, 1894, Pp. 60-67; lA, 1900,
p. 304.

According to the author who likes to bring Narendradeva's rule in 636
A.D. and who thinks it unlikely that Narendra would have ruled for 70 years
to 712 A.D. Amsuvarman began bis era in 538 A.D. We have seen how
fantastic this assertion is in view of the clear statement of Yuan Chwang who
certainly meant Amsuvarman and he alone by the Chinese version of Ang-chu-
fa-mo. For the author’s views read Indian Historical Quarterly, 1953, p. 308.

** EL, IX, Pp, 286-87.

« JBORS, III, p. 206.

"Levi, III, p. 104; p. 117.

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

125

Siddhanta we have an intercalation in 629 A.D.2^ for in that year
we have such a phenomenon only according to the old Arya Siddhanta.
If Brahma Siddhanta is brought to bear on the argument, then the ins-
cription must be referred to make the year 34 correspond to 602 or
621 A.D. but not to 629 A.D.“* We also have to bear in mind
that ordinarily intercalary months are regarded inauspicious unless the
second month is intended for the celebration of the occasion.^® Brahma
Siddhanta, therefore, was no longer followed in Nepal at that time,
for we have just the very celebration in the first month contrary to
what it lays down. We have, therefore, to calculate the date in accor-
dance with the old rule of Arya Siddhanta.

(8) Adiyta Sena’s inscription is entirely unrelated to the epoch
of Amsuvarman’s era, for the former came after him and in circumstances
quite different.

The above arguments have shown that the epoch of Amsuvarman’s
era must not fall in 606-07 A.D. and there cannot be two opinions
on this subject.

The Tibetan Era of 595 A.D.

Prof. Levi has tried to attribute the epoch of the inscriptions of
Amsuvarman to a supposed era of 595 A.D. stated to have originated
from Tibet. He put forth two arguments for supposing so, (1) the
alleged conquest of Nepal by Srong-Tsang-Gampo and (2) the found-
ing of the era in Tibet in the year 595 A.D.“^ Let us now consider
the two of these separately.

Almost alf the authors till now except Dr. Jayaswal have relied
on the assertion of the Tibetan chronicle that Nepal was absorbed in
the Tibetan Empire at the time of Amsuvarman.-^- The year 629
A.D. was the year of accession to the throne by Srong-Tsang-Gampo.®*
This king was very powerful and at one time seems to have extended
his conquest far in the north and south at the cost of China and Nepal.

Sewell—Tables.

lA, 1894, p. 62; I.H.Q,, p. 307.

«« K. P. J., Ibid, p. 167.

®<»The intercalation takes place when two lunar months end within a solar
month, which presupposes the existence of a Ksaya month previously, but this
is the rule obtained by calculation of true motions.

Levi, II, Pp, 148-50.

«JRAS, 1880, p. 438; Smith, Early History of India, p. 438; The Antiquities
of Indian Tibet, 11, p. 83.

•* His father unified the scattered clans of Tibet into one empire. The
Chinese called him Tchic-Tsoung Loungtsan. According to Tibetan sources he
ruled till 698 A.D., but Chinese sources put his death at 650 A.D.

126

ANCIENT NEPAL

According to Tibetan legend he penetrated into Balpo.^^ and Shinkuni,^^
to districts of Western Nepal. Geschite , . , .Ordus (translated by
J. J. Schmidt, p. 328) says that his ministers entered in to relations in the
east with the Chinese and the Minak (Tabgoytes), in the south with
Hindusthan, in the west with Balpo, and in the north with the Hor and
the Gugi.^® The Nepalese King offered his daughter to him in marriage.
This marriage proved a boon for the cause of renaissance in Tibet, as
the Princess from Nepal took with her a contingent of Buddhist prea-
chers and artists who helped to build a new culture for that country.
The name of Silamanjusri occurs in the list of Nepalese teachers who
went to Tibet in that connection. The wife of the Tibetan King was
Lha-gcig (Princess) Bhrikuti called Bribtsun and her father’s name
was Go-cha."*"

The Ladakh chronicles on the other hand do not mention the con-
quest of NepaP^ by the Tibetan King before 703 A.D. and this point
is confirmed by the T’ang history. Yuan Chwang also has not men-
tioned anything about the alleged conquest of Nepal by Tibet in his
memoir, wherein Nepal is proudly referred to as an independent
country.^^ Levi, however, under a curious conception of the Tibetan
history accepts the statement of the Tibetan annals and reads in it a refe-
rence to correspond to the Vikramaditya episode of the Nepalese chro-
nicles. Go Cha according to him can be only Amsuvarman, whereas
the literal translation of the word may mean Jyotivarman or Prabha-
varman or Udayavarman as the case may be (JASB, bix, 54, L. 200).
But as it is' not possible to rely on the legendary evidence of the chroni-
cles in disregard of the authoritative statements of the T’ang and Ladakh
histories, Levi’s opinion may be discarded and the question of Tibetan
suzerainty should not arise, at least, for the time of Amsuvarman as on
the authority of the same he was in a position to defeat the Tibetan
invader or any other attack from whichever quarter directed. The
T’ang history records that before Narendradeva the kingdom of Nepal
obeyed no other power on earth.

Prof. Levi has drawn an unwarranted inference from the alleged
conquest of Nepal by Tibet that the era of 595, according to him the
epoch of the era in Amsuvarman’s inscriptions falls in that year, was

** Palpa about 150 miles west.

®®A place in Mustang district, the source of R. Gandak.

Petersburg, 1829. See Levi, 11, footnote p. 148, His Chinese ivife was
called Wcn-tcheng.

The Antiquities of Tibet,

«U, VII, Pp. 89-92; JBAS, LVIII. p. 150.

«*The T'ang history BKs Pp. 256-57; Levi, I, Pp. 151-57.

« Beal, II, p. 82; Smith, E. H., Pp. 365-73.

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

127

a Tibetan creation.^ ^ But this inference has been made without any
basis whatsoever. The year 595 he obtained as a result of a wrong
identification between the words San (Persian) and Tsan (Tibetan),
by which he was led to assume the origin of the Bengal era in that year
and from Tibet, though the assumption is fundamentally wrong as neither
the Bengal era originated in 595 A.D., nor it had any relation with
Tibet being as it was set up by Akbar in 1556 A.D. out of a process,
of transfusion of Hindu eras.^- The Tibetan conquest of Bengal is
another impossibility which is not based on historical facts. The exis-
tence of an era in Tibet before 1686 A.D. has been disproved by the
findings of scholars whose opinion is unanimous.*^ Till that year the
system of reckoning in cycles and periods (Loka Kala) obtained there
as the only rule, the era followed by the Tibetans as in the letters to
Kirkpatrick (1203 and 1206)^^ referred to the year 586, if it should
be regarded as an era at all, although there may be an indication against
regarding it as such. His attempt to connect the figure 430 in a trans-
posed form of 403 (Me-kha-Jya) is wrong inasmuch as^the transposi-
tion is unjustified and does not refer to an era counted by years in
adition to an entirely different date which it may give rise to. Similarly
Prof. Levi’s attempt to make out a figure of 596 by deducting 430 out
of 1025, the year of another supposed era, seems to rest on sheer ima-
gination.^''^

The Epoch of the Era

It has been founcf that the dates in Amsuvarman’s inscriptions are
unaccountable with reference to the eras originated outside Mepal. The
epoch, therefore* will have to be sought in the valley itself and in a
year not in or after 595 A.D. There is no doubt, now about the date
and origin of this era, thanks to the researches conducted in the field
about the founder of the era who can be no other than that ‘Shining
Splendour’, Amsuvarman.^^ His reign is marked with remarkable
events, and nothing would be nearer to truth than to state that as one of
the great rulers of his time he deserved the position of a founder of the
era and all name and fame attached with it."^^

^V'Levir il, Pp.~ 153-54; Tu/ Pp. 70-81, 82-90;irA7 1 894, V\^m,

Prinscp’s Essays. II, Pp. 167-69; Fleet in Encv. Brittanica, XlII.

*»Prinsep, Ibid, Pp. 160, 289; Waddel. Lhasa (1909) p, 449.

Kirkpatrick: Appendix II, these letters were sent in api^eal to the Governor
General of India against Gorkha encroachment in 1789 A.D,

*MBORS, III, 1936, Pp. 174-75.

Ibid.

*^The assertion o£ the VamsavaU that Vikramaditya came to Nepal and
founded the era is only one of the fantastic and inconceivably wrong inferences
by which Gautama Buddha and other personalities of the plains were directly
connected wtih the history of the country.

128

ANCIENT NEPAL

It is argued by K. P. Jayaswal and others that the initial year of
his era, likewise, can now be fixed with certainty as the correspondence
of the phenomenon of the Sundhara Inscription (vide, Bendall, Journey,
p. 74) with that of 629 A.D. is now in their opinion incontrovertibly
established. There is yet one more possibility which has been considered
in the light of the above discussion. At the beginning it has been
inferred that the year 621 A.D. records an intercalary phenomenon in
the month of Pausa according to Brahma Siddhanta. But as on Sewell’s
authority we have to exclude the application of this astronomical method
for times before 629 A.D., the question of an adjustment for that period
does not arise at all, and, therefore, it had been said that the epoch of
the era falls only in or before 595 A.D. (629-34) and not eight years
after.^^

However, more materials of proved authenticity have come to light
since Levi’s theory was put forward and today his hypothesis has lost its
ground and in view of the new documents we tread a new ground al-
together. The inscrpition dating Samvat 49 is no longer the last avai-
lable document for the interregnum before the reign of Narendradeva
as was previously supposed. Now amongst a series of new discoveries
belonging to that period we have come across one dating Samvat 65.^®
This is the Sonagothi Stone Inscription of Visnugupta. In this year
Jisnugupta’s son Visnugupta was ruling with Lichhavi Bhimarjuna-
deva on the throne. Narendradeva’ s first available inscrip-
tion dates 69. In the T’ang annals he has bean referred to as ruling
at the time^ while Li-I-Piao visited Nepal. Obviously the year 69 of the
inscription first quoted must precede the year of Li-InPiao’s visit. Al-
though we may find it a bit difficult to make the year 69 correspond
to 643 or 644 A.D., we have no doubt as to the precedence of Samvat
69 over 643 A.D., the year when the first Chinese Mission passed
through Nepal. From the T’ang history we know that Narendradeva
owed his restoration to the assistance he obtained from Tibet a little
time earlier and that he had lost his throne after the deposition of his
father by his uncle. The year 69 of his inscription must be the year
while he was already settled. This date must precede 643 A.D. the
year of the visit of Li-I-Piao. It is well nigh impossible to fix an exact
date figure for the event. But it may not be going far from such exac-
titude if we try to push it backwards by four or five years even. Rather
as we shall see later it will tend to agree with all the elements we come

Other dates corresponding to this phenomenon lie outside the probable
date of Amsuvarman as testified by Yuan Chwang.

*»Gnoli, Ibid, LXII.

AMSIIVARMAX AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

129

across in course of the agreement. So 69 can be equated with 637-38
A.D. With this calculation the epoch year of the second series of ins-
criptions must fall somewhere near about the year 570 A.D.

For confirmation let us come to the intercalary year of 34 of one
of these inscriptions which has adhikamasa in the month of Pausa.
Ordinarily there can not be an intercalation in the month of Pausa.
But by Brahma Siddhanta mean system we have an intercalation in
this month at some dates in the first half of the 7th century A.D. e.g.
602-03, 621-22, 640-41."'^’ The Arya Siddhanta mean system shows
an intercalary inonth in Pausa in only one year 629-30 A.D., to which
Levi has drawn our attention.'^ Now we shall see that the only
probable date which corresponds to the date of the inscription is 602-
603 A.D.

We have seen that 629-30 cannot correspond to 34 as this would
push the first available date of Visnugupta, 65 of his inscription, to
660 A.D. Likewise, it can also not be 621-22 because if we accept
this date this would mean a difference of eight years only from the above
whereas we can on no account show^ Visnugupta's regime to have exten-
ded beyond 640 A.D. But 602-03 has every likelihood of being an
aggreable date. By calculating the time according to the correspon-
dence of 34 with 602-03, we come to the first date of Visnugupta, which
will now correspond to the year 635-36 A.D. (4-31 or 32). In this
way Narendradeva’s date of restoration can be fixed at 638 or a year
earlier or later. It is» quite possible that Yuan Chwang’s observation
about the Lichhavi prince on the throne of Nepal at the dime of his
visit in India applied to Narendradeva. If we could agree to say that
in 638 or 39 while the Chinese pilgrim jotted down from Vaisali his
notes on Nepal, the Guptan tutelage had just ended, it would not be
going too far. If the note was taken in Jisnugupta’s lifetime, then
certainly Yuan Chwang’s informant would not fail to refer him to the
pilgrim. Jisnugupta was no less a powerful f)ersonality of the age than
Amsuvarman. It is strange that he was omitted in the pilgrim's note. So
this omission can be a proof of the fact that Jisnugupta was not living
while Yuan Chwang came to Vaisali.

The usual theory of an era of 595 A.D. has fallen. We have
seen how the epoch year must be a date to correspond to the evidences
of outside authorities. With the discovery of inscriptions that have
taken the history of the Gupta family down to Samvat 68, the epoch
year has gone back farther from 595 A.D. at least by 25 years. Thus

Sewell: Siddhnntaa and the Indian Calendar, p. 526.

Levi, 111 (see quotation above) .

130

ANCIEN 1 NEPAL

it should be fixed undoubtedly in about 570 or so A.D.

The year 568 could be the exact year of the epoch year of Anisu-
varman’s inscriptions. But we shall not categorically declare that at
this stage. This year has one distinct advantage. If we reckon the
the Samvat year 34 of the Sundhara Inscription (Bendall, No. 2) in
terms of the epoch of 568, then we have solved the question of bringing
out the identical year with intercalary Pausa of the said document. As
already shown, the year 34 added to 568, which reduces to 602-03 A.D.
has an intercalation in Pausa both ways in our S. 34 and in 602-03
A.D. This is certainly much helpful for determining the epoch year
through a verification of astronomical data. Apart from this the year
568 gives 637-38 A.D. as the date of restoration of the Lichhavi exile
Prince Narendradeva. But any time between that date and 643 A.D.
may be suggested for the purpose. This may not at the same time ailect
the position as we have shaped in the final analysis. The astronomical
data are also often elusive and in Nepal they have not been at all helpful
except in the present case. In the circumstances we can as well skip
over this point. Let us consider whether 643 A.D. could be presented
as the final year of Visnugupta. The epoch year under this assumption
is obviously brought down to 578 A.D., and the difference is now of ten
years, which may mean that it is an inconsequential difference carrying
little significance. But herewith one difficulty will arise. It will mean
that Visnugupta was overthrown after a short career. We shall have
also to think that the Chinese Mission had chosen the occasion of a
disturbed year to pass through Nepal. There might be psychological
as well as political reasons before the Chinese for not doing so. They
should have waited for Narendradeva to' settle down and consolidate him-
self before he invited them. There is again the fear that some more
inscriptions of Visnugupta might be available and if that happened to
bear a date figure of 66 or 67 or 68. We shall have to come back to
the old position. Anyway, there is no harm in accepting 643 as equi-
valent of 65. But by this we reach the limit beyond which we cannot
push the epoch year. If we do so then in 643 A.D. we shall not
have Narendradeva much against the observation of the T’ang history.
The year 578 A.D. is the last date upward for locating the epoch year
in terms of the Christian era.

Having fixed up a date at one end it is essential that we find out
a date also at the other end. Possibly 568 A.D. will be the other end.
In view of the observation of Yuan Chwang the last year of Amsu-
varman cannot be pushed back to the year beyond 615 A.D. We have
seen that reckoned in terms of the Saka era Sivadeva’s inscriptions place

AMSrVARMAN AM) HIS GUPTA SUCCTSSORS

131

him sometime towards the end of the 6th Century. Again if we take
Amsuvarman further backwards Narendradeva’s regime shall be likewise
pushed back and will not correspond to the evidence of the T’ang
annals. Thus it will appear that 568 A.D. will be the lowest’ possible
date for the epoch year of the inscriptions.

We still have preference for 568. This is the most convenient
date and satisfies all doubts. But this should have no finality about it at
the moment. We expect more materials to be available in near future,
which shall help in confirming what we have tentatively concluded.
After all the gap is only of a few years, and this has not materially al-
tered our position. We can wait for a conclusive date. Until then the
epoch year must appear to have fallen in between 568-78 A.D.

The Epoch Year of The Era

It has been often said that the epoch of the era is connected with
the year of the first appointment of Amsuvarman as the Mahasamanta.
The absence of inscriptions, however, for such a long interval militates
against attempts at pushing such conclusion further. If he wjis crowned
as a Regent in 602 A.D., there is no reason whatsoever that he should
choose the year of his vassalage which was an insignificant post, to
commemorate his glorious regime. It is much probable that he dates
his inscriptions from the year of his birth."*- We must not attach too
much importance to the assertion of the chronology that Amsuvarman
ruled for forty-three years. His accession to higher position before
602 A.D. must be taken not without disbelief, for the Manjusri his-
tory"*'^ and certain Vamsavalis^^ both speak of Gupta sovereignty in the
Valley before that date. Amsuvarman’s rise probably occurred simul-
taneously with the Lichhavi restoration and it does not seem that he could
have otherwise reached that position under Gupta supremacy.

A msu varman *s Documen ts

The following inscriptions and records are some of the 13 docu-
ments that belong to Amsuvarman.'”'*

Almost all the inscriptions assign him a reign period of 42 or 43 vears;
Kirkpatrick, p. 262; lA, XIIJ, p. 413; Wright, p. 133.

MMK, p. 40.

Kirkpatrick, p. 262.

About the epigraphy of his inscriptions Levi observes : Before Amsuvarman
the Lichhavis have as a constant practice of reiterating the consonant which fol-
lows the letter of cither in the body of the same word or in the meeting of two
words. Panini (VIII. 4, 46) teaches that this practice is discretionary, it is how-
ever followed most often in epigraphical texts. Amsuvarman on the contrary con-
stantly withholds himself in this case, of reiterating the consonant in a combina-

132

AXCllEXT NEPAL

(a) Harigaon'*^^ Grant. (I) This is one of the earliest inscrip-
tions for Amsuvarman’s reign. It was discovered in Harigaon, a few
miles north-east of the present city of Kathmandu. It consists of twenty-
four lines incised on a slab of stone at the wall of a temple in Harigaon.
The language is Sanskrit and the content is in prose. The inscription
begins with Svasti Kailaskuta Bhavanaf*' as all other inscriptions of his
do, which denotes a change of the seat of government from Managriha,
the place from which the inscriptions of the previous rulers are issued.
Amsuvarman uses there the usual title of Mahasamanta following the
inscriptions of Sivadeva 1 (vide later) with the epithet, Bhagvat Pasupatl
bhattaraka bappa padanudhyata, which is common in all his inscriptions.

He has described himself as one always looking to others’ interests.
It has also noted a list of donations to various deities and state officers re-
quiring them to receive the same from their people. It is dated Samvat
30— C. 598-608 A.D. The donations are :

Pu — Parana, Pa — Pana, both silver coins**^ (in the units of)

, (the latter also copper).

Srid^i Pu 3 pa I

Sasthidevakula pu 3 pa 1

Sribhattarakapadanam pu pa (worshippers of Pasupati or worship-
pers attached to temples)

Mahabaladhyaksya pu 20 (Commander-in-Chief )

Prasad Krita pu 25 (Head of the Department of Donations)
Abhisekahasti chaswa pu 3 pa 1 (the department of elephants and
horse's for annointation).

Paniya Karmantikasya pu 2 pa 2

There are other donees like the four door-keepers of his palace
and those of Managriha and those who blew the conches and rang the
bells. Levi thinks that the donation was made on the occasion of his
coronation.

(b) (II) Harigaon Plate Inscription. The epigraph contains an

tion, the change appears in his name also. vSivadeva, the Lichha\'i, writes Amsu-
varnian with an ‘m’ reiterated, Ainsuvarinan in his charts writes Amsuvarman with
a single ‘in’. His successor, Jisnugiipta is faithful to this graphy, but the ordinary
folks remain attached either through negligence or routine, to the ancient usage.
In an inscription dated in the last years of Amsuvarman but which commemorates
a private foundation, the name of the king is written, Amsuvarman with the ‘m’
double as also the names of the donor Vibhuvarman. (Levi, 11, 140) .

Levi, in. No. 13, Pp. 85-88.

According BGL this site is Madhya Lakhu of the chronicle. The remains of
this place are to be seen in the high mound of earth now resembling almost a hUl
of the same name near Pasupati I'cmple; Levi, U, p. 138.

K. P. Jayaswal opines that these Silver coins were meant only to facilitate
calculation into Karasapanas.

AMSLVARMAN AND HIS GUPIA SI CCKSSORS

133

address issued to the peasants and families of the said village asking
them to contribute certain donations to the religious organisation de-
fined therein {Maryyada bandha kritaf\)J*^ Amsuvarman is spoken
of as the person ever devoted to the welfare of his subjects Prajahitartha
dyota Suddhachetasa; Katham praja me Sukhita bhaveyh.^^ The re-
cord dates Samvat 32“600-605 A.D. The organisations belong to
various sects and forms of worship.

Donations in monetary units of Purana and Pana;

Saivism: Pasupati 7, 2; Rameswara 3, 1 : Maneswara 3, 1; Dhara-
maneswara 3, 1 ; Parvatewara, 3, 1 ; Kailaseswara 3,1; Bhattaraka Padah
7, 2; Vaisnavism: Dolasikharanarayan 7, 2; Samba pura 3, 1; Bhum-
bhujika Jalasayana (Budha nikantha) 3, I; Buddhism: Gumvihara 7,
2 (Mani Chuda Chaitya); Manavihara (Chakravihara in Patan) 7, 2
Ravivihara 7, 2; Kharjurikavihara 7, 2; Madhyama Vihara 3, 1 and
Samanya Vihara 3, 1. This inscription indicates that up till his time
the tantric Mahay ana and Vajrayan deities had not made appearance
in Nepal; in this very inscription the various constituent units of the
committees of management also ure noted to have been provided for
(lines 16-19).

(c) Sanga inscription discovered in 1902.^^ The date is Samvat
34. This is in the form of an address to the heads of the village con-
ceding to them the privilege of certain remissions in the matters of
taxation on account of their contribution of oil to the Government. The
Dutaka is Rajaputra Vikramasena, probably brother or son of Raj-
putra Surasena (of TA, No. 7). He also figures in the Bungamati in-
scription (lA, 1^, p. 169) of Amsuvarman dated Samvat 34. He
has his own inscription dated Samvat 535 (TA, TX, No. 4, p. 168).

(d) The same stone-slab of Bungmati referred to in the above
paragraph. This is an order of the Mahasamanta to his officers for the
preservation of animals and fishes. (BGL, 6)

(e) The inscription of the year 34, which has already been dealt
with (vide ante). This was discovered by Bendall (Sundhara, Patan).
The dutaka is Vinduswami (Mahabaladaksya).

(f) The Pasupati inscription incised on a stone slab (lA, IX, No. 7
p. 170). In this inscription Amsuvarman leaves the title Mahasamanta
and merely adds to himself as a prefix the Sri. It appears that he now
became the President of the Republican state, a Regent. We have here his

''‘'I.evi, III, No. 14, Pp. 92 %; Basak, p. 2r»4.
Lines 21 and 22.

Levi, in. No. 15, Pn. 99-101.

Basak, Ibid. p. 255’

134

ANCIENT NEPAL

sister and nephew as donors of certain grants to the Shaiva gods. The
dutaka is prince Udayadeva. He is according to Fleet and Indraji, a
Lichhavi personage^’-^ but Jayaswal makes him a Thakuri^^^ The re-
cord dates in Samvat 39—C. 608-610 A.D. There is a reference to his
nephew, Bhogavarma, who is wrongly identified with the Maukhari
King of the same name, though the times of the two in no way agree.

(g) There are a few more inscriptions, about four, which provide
information of economic importance in addition to those of ordinary type.
As there is a separate section in this volume surveying the economic life
of the day, we propose to bring them into full consideration at the
appropriate place.

Let us now proceed to reproduce the passage of Hiuen
Tsang's (Yuan Chawang) statement : It has been unanimously
held that the Chinese pilgrim visited Vaisali, if not Nepal, in C.
627 A.D. He wrote about Nepal “The kingdom of Nepala (Nipolo), is
4000 li north (about 1300 miles). It is situated over a mountain. The
Capital is about 20 li in circuit. The country is full of mountains and
valleys. It is favourable for the production of grains and abounds in
flowers and fruits, also copper, yaks and birds of the name of mingming
(Jivamjiva). In commerce copper coin is used.‘'‘"‘ The climate is
cold, the people are rude and deceitful and naturally unsociable. They
do not know the value of time and justice and have no learning but they
are much skilled in arts. Their body is awkward and their appearance
is ignoble. There are amongst them both heretics and followers of
true religion. The Buddhist monasteries and temples touch each other.
There are two thousand monks living in monasteries, belonging to both
vehicles (Hinayana and Mahayana). The number of Brahmans can-
not be said exactly. The King is of the caste of Ksatriya (T’sa-ti-li)
and belongs to the race of Lichhavi (Li-tchi-po). He is of pure
feeling and eminent of science. He is a loyal Buddhist. In the time
just passed (Dansices derniers temps) there was a king called Amsu-
varman ( Yan-chou-fa-mo) who was distinguished by the soundness of
his knowledge and sagacity of his spirit. He himself composed a trea-
tise on connaissance of sounds (shabda vidya sastra). He esteemed
knowledge and respected virtue; his reputation had travelled in all
places.'’

To the south-east of the capital there is one small spring on the
surface of which a brilliant flame rises if one throws fire there. If one

««Flect lA. XIV. n. 344^

fBORS. ibid. |). 220.

««‘Lcvi, I, Pp. 1.54-55: Beal, II, p. HI: Watters. 11, p. 84. Lhe last two .slightly
differ from Julten.

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPl'A SCCX.ESSORS

13.>

throws other objects, they change their nature and become fire” {Me-
moires sur les countries, etc. vide Ante, Julien).

Parallel to Yuan. Chwang’s observation rises a question, and let
us have dealt with it here, as to when Amsuvarman died (whether in
639 or 637 A.D. or much earlier) for the pilgrim has mentioned him
in terms of a deceased and in past tense. The most important point
in this connection is whether his description of Nepal is true of the
year of his visit or of the time he left India or of the time when he
reached China. Jayaswal holds that this observation is true of the
year 643, when he had just left India.**® It is clear that Amsuvarman's
successor was a Lichhavi, Dhruvadeva, who had acceded the throne after
Sivadeva. We have references about them in Jisnugupta’s inscriptions
(lA, IX, p. 171 ff; Levi, 111, p. 104), but nothing can be said about Am-
suvarman’s death year, as only one inscription of Jisnugupta has preserv-
ed the line mentioning Amsuvarman as a late King (Maharajadhiraja)
and this is certainly the last date, for we cannot push the year of Naren-
dradeva's restoration beyond 642 A.D., which is also the corresponding
date in view of the information supplied by the T’ang histofy on this ques-
tion.®~ Jayaswal bases his conclusion on the existence of two sets of
inscriptions, all about Amsuvarman himself, the one dating Samvat 44
or 45 (lA, VllI, 171)®® and the other constituting the group issued
in the name of Sivadeva I, of which the two have ascertained date
figures of 518®® (516?) and 520. The former (the Satdhara Ins-
ription) records the, building of a conduit by varta Vibhuvarman
under favour”® of Sri Amsuvarman while he was reigning. Siva-
deva's inscriptions are all issued from Managriha with the usual title
of Bhattaraka Maharaja Lichhavi Kulaketu and describe in high terms
the achievements of his High Feudatory.* The last inscription of his is
dated 520 (Khopasi).”‘ Bendall wrongly read 320 and according to
Jayaswal who follows Fleet in this respect, this year should be referred
to the Gupta era so that Sivadeva’s last date is made to correspond to
319 + 320 639 A.D. (March), the same year which was also said

to be the last reignal year of Amsuvarman according to the Satdhara
inscription and the Thankot inscription"- of Jisnugupta of the same year

““JBORS, Op. C it., p. Hj2.

|BORS, Ibid.

“M lcet, lA, XIV, I). 313: Gnoli. XLVIII.

reads 318, ibid; Bendall 316; KPJ, 316; Basak, 318.

■‘* Vijava rajyc.

♦ Levi.' Ill, No. 12. P. 79.

'* Sivadeva’s inscriptions Ins. No. 5 of lA, p. 174. Nos. IX and X of Levi (III)
and Gnoli, XXIIL XXVIU.

Ibid, p. 107. Levi reads 500. Basak reads 300.

136

ANCIENT NEPAL

(KPJ., OP. Cit. p. 169). This coincidence of the end of both Amsu-
varman and Sivadeva I, of course, may have a meaning generally
attached to accidental happenings; but it is difficult to accept the pro-
position that Amsuvarman was a sovereign over the whole kingdom in
639 A.D. when in that very year Amsuvarman is on his own advice
treated as the High Feudatory by Sivadeva L The coins of Amsuvar-
man leave no doubt as to his supreme power and foremost position inr
Nepal of that time."*^ His inscriptions have also indicated that he had
dropped the title of High Feudatory from Samvat 39. There is no justifi-
cation to continue to hold him as such till some years after, unless we
mean that his position even according to the last was no longer of a
full sovereign as inferred by Fleet (lA, XIV, p. 412 fT.). But the
latter part of the argument has no solid ground to stand on, for in no
case we can learn of a political division in the valley at that time/^
We cannot, therefore, establish that Amsuvarman was dead only in 639’
or 40 A.D. on the mere convenient identity displayed by Sivadeva’s ins-
criptions with the Gupta era. It is argued that as asserted by Cunnigham
(KPJ Op. £it.,'p. 646) and confirmed by Dr. Tripathi's researches (vide,,
ante) Amsuvarman seems to have died much earlier before 637 A.D*
and this is quite logical and natural in view of the fact that the pilgrim
would in no circumstances have postponed his taking note till 643'''’’ A.D*
Moreover, he speaks of Amsuvarman to have been dead in the time
just passed, which if referred to 643 A.D. may also mean that he died
only in 642 A.D. much against other evidences. So far as Sivadeva’s
inscriptions,, are concerned, they can be referred to the period while
Amsuvarman was a High Feudatory and not to the period while he
became the head of the State, whether regent or president. The inscrip-
tion depicts a stage wherein Amsuvarman had certainly gathered immense
power as a High Feudatory and as such may be placed near about the
year Samvat 32 (=C. 600 A.D.) but not after that and this will certainly
confirm the finding that the Gupta epoch of his inscriptions must be
declared as for good dismissed.

The existence of an epoch in 319 A.D. has led people to assume
that the dates in Shivadeva Ts inscriptions must be referred to that year
only.’^ While not taking such assumption as entirely impossible, we

Walsh7 JRAS, Pp. r>8()-«l .

Fleet in GI discusses at great length the possibility of the vallcv to have
been ruled in two parts under the Lichhavis and the Thakuris respectively. This,,
however, is negatived by another evidence revealed by the existence of Anisu’s
records both in the west and the east as far as Sanga at the east of the valley.

^®Jayaswal also admits that he took down notes in 637 A.H. It is sur-
prising as to Ijow Jayaswal pushed the death year of Amsu to 639 A.D.

K. P. Jayaswal, Op. C:it.

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GrP I A SUCCESSORS 137

must realise that there is no paucity of eras in India or anywhere within
India, and, therefore, it is not indispensably necessary to cling to one
era, specially, under circumstances when the divergence amounts to
twenty years or more. In our case there is one more reason to drop
the epoch of 319 A.D. even without recourse to paleography. Why
should Sivadeva I adopt the Gupta era? He did not owe allegience to
the Gupta rulers. Besides this, if any occasion had to be commemora-
ted it should have the reign of Bhaskara Varman of the Lichhavi dynasty,
a great conqueror who was at one time the overlord of at least a major
portion of north and north-eastern Gangetic basin, the type of a person,
who would inspire the creation of an era deserved to be esteemed by his
descendants and in his tirhe also we may venture to find out a suitable
occasion for the era of Sivadeva’s inscription. Sivadeva 1 who calls
himself a Lichhavi Kulaketu i.e. the banner of the'family, should not have
allowed any other era when dealing with a base year of his reckoning.
The Gupta era accordingly does not hold ground and the death of Am-
suvarman should now be put much earlier before 637 A.D. to a year
about 615-20 A.D.

As regards the Thankot inscription the objections are very many,
in regard to the acceptance of the date, the most important being the
reading of the date which has not yet gone correct and may offer people
different dates ranging from 40 to 44. There is also the statement of
this inscription which by recording the grant as having accrued from
Sri Amsuvarman ha& made the acceptance of his existence at the
lime of issue somewhat doubtful. Even when we interpret it as to
have vouchsafed his existence, no conclusion can be formed till the
figure is read correctly. Consequently the inscription should be left
out of account for the matter of date.

All these points have been, however, discussed much earlier in this
book, and all doubts in regard to the era and dates cleared thereby.
Although it was not relevant to have discussed the question here, yet
we did it to clear certain more points that cropped up at this stage in
course of the narrative. With this, the conclusion reached about the
reading of the date figure should be regarded as final as far as the present
volume is concerned.

The T hakims ^

The term Thakuri is by present usage applied to the Ksatriya
settlers of the Himalayas, whose origin is commonly believed to have
been somewhere in Rajputana as distinct from the class of the Khasa

Wright, p. 113.

anc:[i:nt nkpal

13 <S

Ksatriyas who by popular understanding are definitely debarred from
using this term for reasons of inferior origin. Thakuri is a common
word in Rajputana as well and this is generally applicable to denote a
status of the class in question as meant in Nepal, but the form is slightly
different as there, Thakur, which is a term used for Brahamans in
Binar and Bengal, is generally used. The identity of the two forms,
however, definitely signifies their common origin and affinity of mean-
ing and also the fact of the word having been used in Nepal is an im-
portation with closely terminological identity, so that the two could
appear as almost the same expression with identical signification.

The Nepalese Vamsavalis have used the term in the same sense to
denote the fact of Amsuvarman’s original stock to have emigrated from
somewhere in the plains. We have no authority to confirm this posi-
tion save the most probable inference that Amsuvarman was not an
exception to the traditional and almost universal application of outside
nationality to the rulers in Nepal, who without a single exception, have
shown a C 9 mniunity of origin in this respect. But the particular clan
or dynasty he belonged to is still a matter of undecisive speculation as his
inscriptions have no word to shed light on this point. In the Brahmani-
cal chronicles he is a Vaisya Rajput, probably meaning indirectly that
he was of the dynasty of Harshavardhana but then the question comes
as to why he did not use the common family appendage hardluina after
his name. He may be a Maufchari as his appendage and the rise of his
ancestors in Nepal coincident with the rise of the Maukharis in the plains
show. But this inference also goes wide of the mark.

Amsuvarman s status.

His status has been already commented upon. Jt is said that the
inscription referring to him variously depict the stages through which
Amsuvarman passed to reach the ultimate position to have called him-
self 'Sri Amshuvarman . We have just hinted that he was merely a
High Feudatory in Samvat 518. After two years his status rises in
importance and the King addresses him in a more dignified term, if
Sri were to express higher status. Those who regard him as the sove-
reign of West Nepal take the title Mahasamanta as conveying a status
equal to that of the King. In support of this the example of Samudra
Sena and Pusya Sen is cited. The co-ordinate nature of the titles is shown
in the Nirmund plate of the former (JBAS, XL VIII, Proceedings,
P. 247 ff) and in the Waladay seal of the latter (ibid, xii, 212, Dr.

AMSl \ \RMAN AND HIS GVVTA SUCCKSSORS

139

Buhler’s restoration).'*^ But such examples may also confuse the true
status of Amsuvarman, as similar titles deemed to be equal with king-
ship have been assumed by less important personages (Levi, Ins. No. VI
Kisipidi; Bendall, No. Vll) in the Nepal history. According to the
inscription of Pusyamitra Sunga who calls himself Mahapratihara and
Sarvadandanayaka, it appears that the title Maharaja falls in line with
these.”'* In Nepal, however, such a comparison would belie the real
position of the ruler; for on a proper study, Amsuvarman’s supposed
kingship cannot be ascertained to bear out the fact, apart from the
confusion resulting from the identity between his and Ravigupta’s
titles (Ins, No. 3, lA, IX). We have seen that in the year Samvat
520 Shivadeva I was the Maharaja of Nepal and a sovereign. In this
year he calls Amsuvarman a Mahasamanta and though the reference
is certainly respectful, it, however, fails to show a sovereign status of
Amsuvarman. His continuation of the title as late as 534 also proves
that he till then recognised the overlordship of the Lichhavi king, how-
ever nominal it may appear to be. In the inscriptions ^issued by him,
he does not mention the figure on the throne. The fact ^hat he had
been using Sri from Samvat 30 (“-600 A.D.) would not make him
completely independent.''** Shivadeva's ascetic life and his indifference
to worldly affairs was one of the main reasons which secured for
Amsuvarman an unchallenged position in the realm. Even while it
was a reference by Shivadeva, the same was couched in dignified and
colourful expressions,* which shows that the personality of Shivadeva,
the monarch himself, paled into insignificance before his Mahasamanta
who appeared* to have commanded a greater stature than himself.
Shivadeva denied to himself all such expressions of praise as would
place him in a viable position with Amsuvarman. But it was not
such as to establish a position which might have led the High Feudatory
to have revolted to overthrow the dynasty altogether, which is also
supported by the existence of another sovereign of that line occurring
in the inscriptions of Jisnugupta''\ and confirmed by Yuan Chwang's
observation;''^. Amsuvarman continued- to use this title up to
Samvat 39, when he dropped the title of High Feudatory and retained
only Sri before his name. This is taken by some as the indication of

■*' Fled. lA. XIV, P. 34.5, J>iishvamitra Sunga calls himscH .Senapati c\cii
after he became king (JBORS, XVIH. p. 311).

Maiavihagtiitnitra, Act V, P. 131 ^S. Paiulit's Ftl.) . Ayudhya inscription.

JBORS 1924, pp. 202-08. Rudradaman called himself Mahaksatrapa (El, VlII,
pp. 40-45).

«nA, IX, Pp. 168-59; Bendall, P. 74; Levi. Ill, Pi), (>5. 90. 97.

lA, IX. P. 71 If; Levi. IH, P. 10.5 If.

Op. Cit.

140

ANX.IENT NEPAL

his sovereignty from that year. While not rejecting the possibility of
his adopting the supreme position in the State at a later date, we have,
however, no reason to believe that Amsuvarman adopted the title of
kingship at any time of his career. Had it been otherwise he should
not have hesitated to use the more obvious term of connotation than
Sri by adopting the title of Bhattaraka Maharaja. The possibility of
his being another type of head for the state of Nepal, probably in the
nature of a President of a republic, seems to be nearer to fact, while at
the same time his power was unchallenged and unequalled with any
autocratic king and there was no lessening of status by an inch even,
as his assumption of the authority and royalty by which he could issue
command to other Feudatories and injuctions to future kings {Svayam
ajna) would convey. His assumption of the title, 5/7, without Mahasa-
manta from that year shows that before this time he was only a Regent
but with fullest equipment of executive powers and all the affairs of
the State were subject to his order (prajnyapitena) . It appears that
in Samvat 39 (=607 A.D. however, he ceased to be a Regent and
became the* formal head of the State. He issued coins with Maharaja-
dhiraj as his title. There are also coins of his name, which have only
Sri affixed and prove thereby that the real status assumed by Amsuvar-
man was certainly of a nature bordering on Presidentship of a State.^'^
But the title Maharajadhiraja in one coin may suggest that he assumed
actual kingship. We realise that the mere fact of coinage with the
title suggested is insufficient to expound the staths of kingship, as we
have in Nepal similar coins in the name of the Regents as well. If
Amsuvarman had not assumed a cle jure royal dignity, then such a title
implied by a reference in the coin should be interpreted to convey
a meaning other than intending full royalty. We have, therefore, to
agree with Dr. Indraji and Dr. Fleet that Jisnugupta’s reference to him
as sovereign (Maharajadhiraja) has the only significance of posthumous
title and conferred so as to base one’s own claim to suzerainty on his
regnal power (lA, IX, P. 171) or a mere courtesy reference to a sove-
reign authority. It is possible that he was just the Regent enjoying
absolute powers of the sovereign,

A point which so far had escaped the attention of scholars is that
Amsuvarman never enjoined on the future kings to maintain his works
as those issued from a king himself, which was a conventional expres-

"UA. IX, P. 170.

Walsh, JRAS. 1908, P. 681; Smith, Catalogue of Coina in Indian Museum^
1906, I, Pp. ij81-83; Cunningham, Coins of Anrient India, P. 112, Plate XIIL
His coins have the image of a cow {Kamadohi ) .

AMSIIVARxMAN AND HIS GUPl A SlJCCl* JvSORS

141

sion employed at that age {Purbaraja Krita prasadanuvartibhi)^^ even
used by Jisnugupta. But Amsuvarman always issued them in the name
of a respectful person Guru Krita Prasadanuvartibhi.^^'* At one place he
has used the old expression but qualifies it with the expression dharma
gurutaya wherein the emphasis is laid, though the future kings are styled
as those who fulfil the wishes of their royal predecessors. By the new
expression he certainly showed himself to have issued them under
religious sanctity. But all this goes to prove that Amsuvarman was
content to assume a role, which could on no account be compared with
that attached a potentate seated on the throne.

A msuvarman s achievements

From Yuan Chwang*^" we learn that he had attained a high
military and literary glory. This is no mean compliment to his atain-
nients, coming as it does from the Chinese pilgrim who was as much
scrupulous in bestowing praises as he admired very few. Amsuvar-
man, however, was a man of uncommon talents and Yuan Chwang,
with all his scruples for avoiding exaggeration and undeserving compli-
ments would not have left him out of his account.

His military feats commenced earlier when he carried his army
to the east and south against the unruly feudal lords. Like its paral-
lel organisation in India, feudalism in Nepal meant the rule of local
feudatories called the Samantas, who lorded it over the vast mass of
humanity under the shadow of a weak monarch. They were military
governors in another way and were also responsible for thp conduct of
administrative affairs in their respective areas. These Samantas owed
loyalty and allegiance to the king at the centre but at times when
opportunity presented itself to enable them to shake off that loyalty,
they did not feel any hesitation to seize it by the forelock. The Ahir
Gupta domination of the valley had come in that way and so followed
Amsuvarman’s dictatorship at this stage. But Amsuvarman's time
was a time of unusual crisis. His predecessor Shivadeva I, the Lichhavi
sovereign, was a weakling and naturally failed for sheer lack of kingly
qualities to rise to the occasion to have been able to meet the dark
forces of feudal chaos. On the other hand the century old Guptan
regime was as strong as ever. Besides, there were autonomous princi-
palities in the cast and west, over one of which Amsuvarman was a
ruler. The whole of eastern Nepal on the authority of the MMK was
“^^IxTprTeijr.

See all his inscriptions in lA, IX, Pp, 168-71; Levi, HI, Pp. 81-97; Gnoli,
Nepalese Inscription^ in Gupta characters.

*^Vide, Ante.

342

ANCIENT NEPAL

ruled by the Mlechhas.'^'^ The Terai was ruled by a king of the Gupta
dynasty from Simraongarh.'^*^ The only portion of the country which
still acknowledged the overlordship of the Lichhavis was the land of
the Thakuris and here probably the former had found shelter in their
worst days in the care of Amsuvarman.

The common people nurtured a hidden grievance against the Gupta
usurpers and there was a longing in their heart of hearts to welcome
the old Lichhavi dynasty whose position in the realm was regarded as
the only legal royalty by the populace. This rendered the Lichhavi
restoration a matter of public concern and Amsuvarman at the head
of the army had only responded to this long felt want of the people
in waging a war with the Guptas to drive them out.

The course of battles waged by him is unknown, as we have no
account, local or foreign, of this particular subject. His inscriptions
do not help us at all to add to our understanding in this direction.
Whatever slight description is there about his achievements we have
in very vague and general terms. Yet the following will give some
knowledge pf Kis prowess, and of the hold which he had over the coun-
try and people of Nepal at the time.

According to one inscription of Shivadeva I, dated 518 (Bendall,
Journey, P. 74, I. A., XIV, Pp. 97-98) Amsuvarman rose to heights
of glory by his acts of victories over the enemies. As to over whom
these victories were won the inscription is silent. It merely puts that
Amsuvarman enjoyed a great influence by his immense powers and
thereby crushed his enemies (L. 6 Bipula parakrama prasamita). But the
same may be admitted as a testament to prove the restoration of the
Lichhavis in that year. Perhaps this also stands as the first record
of Amshu’s military exhibits. His activities have been further noted in
the next inscription, though with the same vagueness of description.
In this inscription (No. 5 of Indraji) he is the complete master of the
situation (Hata sakala shatru paksa prabhava aneka. . . Vijayadhigata)
and this shows that the war of his conquest did not last long, which is
further confirmed by the next inscription (Levi, Insps. IX) with a short
statement about his valour shown in quelling the enemies. By that time
he had also earned a reputation for his administrative sagacity. Also,
Amsuvarman was the first ruler of the country to have struck coins
in his name.^^^

' V. 42

Kirkpatrick. P. 262.

The following from Levi about his coins is worth quoting:

Alike the inscriptions the coins testify to the power of Amsuvarman. The
first of Nepal’s Kings he stamps the coins in his name. There exist several types

AMSLIVARMAN AND HIS GIJPIA SUCCESSORS

143

The above, however, is not itself sufficient to support his conquest
of the Gupta Ahirs unless these inscriptions were to be considered as
partly complementary to the accounts of the chronicles which in spite
of the erroneous nature of the whole, have shown approach to truth on
certain segregated points of individual estimation and this part of the
geneological history taken along with the anecdotes of the inscriptions
and the story of Amsu's reputation in India may be taken as approxi-
mately correct.

Extent oj the Kingdom

Some people have lent unusual stress to the minimised estimate
of the extent of Nepal’s boundary in those days by which they maintain
that it covered only the valley of Nepal with some areas in the east.
Nothing would, however, be so erroneous as to readily accept such
views without examining the evidence supplied to us by genealogical
anecdotes. Even excluding the Kiratas who held sway over a large
part of the country, almost all the ruling dynasties of the valley have
controlled the other portions as well so that Nepal always^had come
to be known for that stretch of Himalayan territories which lies between
the river Gandak and the river Dudh Kosi, probably in keeping with
what three hundred years later Nepal Mahatmya calls the same Nepala
Khanda}^^ The boundary line must have been subject to changes in
relation to the political structure of the countries in the vicinity, but
the two rivers were acknowledged as the natural frontier lines of the
Kingdom. Anisuvarman had added a greater portion of the Terai
to the dominion* and if what the Vamsavalis write with reference to the
Guptas is correct, their defeat must have led to the absorption of all
territories touching the Vrizzis and probably the line travelled along
the River Gandak up to the point where it leaves the hills, so that

described by Cunningham. The diameter is about 0,025 mm., the weight very
irregular is of 11 grammes to 16-20, The constant emblem is a kind of winged
griffon turning towards his right proper a fore foot raised in the attitude of
walking; on the camp the legend Sri Amsuvarman, Sri Amsho: on the reverse
sometimes the same lion with a moon crescent above its head, sometime the sun
radiated with Afahnraja Dhirninshya.

Perhaps it is useful to see here an allusion to the name of the king which
contains the word Ainsn’rays. In hut the legend on this coin exadfy occupies
around the solar disc the place which in certain of Pasiipati’s coins is occupied
by the prolongation of the solar rays. On another series, the reverse, shows a
cow turned towards its right proper with a legend which has so* far been read:
Kamadevi or (Bendall) Kamandehi. But on the one hand the anuswara is missing
clearly on the facsimiles published and this kind of prayer ‘give the desire’ is
hardly justifiable either by analogies or by arguments. It seems more natural
to each in it for a designation of the cow of abundance currently called Kama-
dugh “which allows itself to be in everything wished for”. (Levi, ii, p. 143).

Nepal Mahatmya (Prabhakari Company) , Benaras, P. 0.

AXCIEXT XEPAI.

Nepal could safely exercise its sovereignty over the present Bettiah
district as well to make the frontier contiguous with that of Sri
Harsa. To keep Harsavardhana at arms length close in the plains
was not an uncommon task, which only speaks of him as the true hero
of extraordinary strength, a corollary estimate which follows from a
consideration of the extent of his vast empire.-^- Equally his stand
against the Tibetan menace is praiseworthy and as it follows from the
Chinese annals Amshuvarman’s independent position must surely re-
flect a veritable credit on him for his glorious and statesmanlike action
to have kept aloof the banner of Nepal so high in the critical circum-
stances. Ofcourse, no particular connection with Tibet can be esta-
blished for lack of any authoritative sources of information of the time,
but the admission of the T’ang history and Yuan Chwang must dispel
all doubts about his acceptance of Tibetan suzerainty or about a case
of surrender voluntary or otherwise by Amsuvarman out of a sense of
apprehension. If at all some weight be attached to the Tibetan
chronicles, the Tibelo-Nepalese war alone may appear a reality, but
without any adverse consequences falling upon the combatants the
incident seems to have been closed. At any case this much was cer-
tain that Amsuvarman's position was unchallenged from any quarter.

Amsuvarman was not merely a military adventurer. He w^as
also a man of high literary talents. In one inscription he is addressed
as aneka shastrarthci vimarsavasadilyu saddarshemataya (BGL, vii).
He seems to have composed a book on etymology, the work which is
now' lost but which has been referred to in high terms of appreciation
by the Chinese pilgrim. Amsuvarman had a concourse of scholars
around him including that great grammarian Chandra Varman who
had made a name in the Nalanda University as a talented scholar. In
conjunction with him Amsuvarman helped a great deal to give effect
to the use of correct Sanskrit language in all written works which so
long were subject to the odd type of defective language current in the
locality. In his time the language used in inscriptions appeared puri-
fied and recorded a seemingly improved style over the one contributed
previously. His literary pursuit was carried with the best of feeling
and courage and though himself a public figure Amsu never allowed
the least lack of zeal or interest on account of diversion to affect his
activity in that sphere. No wonder that under such a man Nepal banish-
ed the evils of illiteracy from its border.

G. Buhler, A Note on Harsa Vardhana’s Conquest of Nepal in I.\, XIX.
(1890), op. 40-41.

AMSIJV ARMAN AND HIS GVVTA SUC:CKSSORS

145

His character and Administrative capacity

Amsuvarman was always guided in his action with the highest
patriotic motives. He was a man of character and integrity par ex-
cellence. He was unique of all the dictators kings or regents of the age,
who behaved strictly as a true servant of the people having always before
him the only one desire and that was how to serve the best interest
of the people. One inscription of his time speaks of him as one
who was ever prepared to solve any problem of public welfare
iPrajahita samadhana fatpara),*^^ That he was so without doubt can
be inferred from the compliments of Yuan Chwang independent of all
inscriptional or chronological considerations. The Chinese pilgrim
whose strict sense of duty as a hermit made him immune from all
political bias, must be relied on to have told nothing but the truth
in this respect and his pen has depicted an authentic account of Amsu’s
personality. He has singled the Regent of Nepal not only out of the
coteries of his hill contemporaries or out of the long list of names
belonging to the plains to whose individuality a reference could have
been made, but out of the whole series of trans-Himalaya^ Kings, a
fact which testifies to the high place the potentate enjoyed amongst
the fellow royals of those days. It was not merely a military achievements
as we know, that endowed Amsuvarman with such high reputation.
Foremost of all, he was an administrator of great talents and of high
moral strength and of broad mentality and magnanimous spirit, built
up to perfection of all* the high ideals of public service and shorn of
the blemishes of narrow religious zeal and bigotry. T'd him no
orthodoxy appealed and to him no vain glory or pride could approach,
and him no self interest could touch, says a chronicler.

Attitude towards Religious Sects,

In spite of the fact that he was a Saivite Hindu, Amsuvarman
was also all attentive to the requirement and need of other forms of
worship including Buddhism. Under him no religion was persecuted.
On the other hand, his consideration was bestowed on all forms of
religious worship irrespective of his own attachment. From one of
fiis inscriptions we learn that his contributions to Buddhist monas-
teries were equally magnificent as they were towards Saiva institutions
and followed the only rule of responding to need of each for royal bene-
ficence. His adoption of the title of Pasupatibhattaraka Padanudhyta may
lead some to interpret it as a sign of his allegiance to Shaivite cult. Cer-

••Sanga Inscription, Levi, III, Pp. 97-98.

146

ANCIENT NEPAL

tainly he was devoted to Shiva and this is further confirmed by the image
of a bull (Nandi) in some of his inscriptions (lA, IX, Pp. 169, 170, 171).
It appears that his principal deity was Lord Pashupati, and he per-
formed sacrificial rites and acts of piety in his honour. But in them
there is no trace of partiality or prejudice in favour of the one to the
exclusion of the others. He was in no way a bigot of a Shaivite. If
honouring deities were the criterion, he could by any standard be
called a Buddhist as well. How he revered the Buddhist religion is
expressed by his adoption of the symbols of the wheel of law between
two deer (Bungmati Inscription)** in his inscriptions, which is cer-
tainly expressive of his intention to protect all religions from unlawful
encroachments and harassment by the one enjoying undue royal muni-
ficence. It was really a big achievement to have successfully improved
on the much deteriorated condition of the last reign, which seems to'
have been characterised by communal quarrels and disturbances. The
Gupta rulers being of orthodox Shaivite faith would not perhaps tolerate
the freedom enjoyed by the other sects and persecution was rife on-
that acco\mt, and this was so much resented by the people that it
necessitated the change of ruling dynasties. Amsuvarman with his.
keen insight of human behaviour and laudable conception of public
duty reoriented the policy pursued by the Lichhavi Kings, himself
helped to restore the Lichhavi throne and willingly and sincerely put
his own faith in the order of the Buddha as a measure of harmonious
understanding between the rulers and the ruled .between different sects
and communities. Under him the sanctity of Buddhist images and
monasteries was well preserved and honourably maintained.®®

The repercussion of this non-committal and tolerant policy was
far reaching. An atmosphere of good-will and trust amongst the
different sections of the people and of veneration to all types of reli-
gious beliefs irrespective of caste and creed enveloped the land of
the Nepalese to an extent that the whole envelopement is still casting,
its impact on the social life of the people in this country, the same
feature of society which was so markedly noted by the Chinese pilgrim'
when he spoke of the Hindu temples touching the Buddhist convents,
the same structure of harmony and complete fraternal adjustment

" I.A., IX, P. 169.

The many Saivite Sects were (1) Varahaswamidharma, (2) mundasringa
(No. 11, lA, IX, p. 174) . There was no ofiBcial interference.

Many inscriptions of the time are addressed to citizens with Brahmanas as their
leaders {Brahmanas purassarah ) . This is a proof positive of the fact that the
castes had consolidated at the time, and in the hierarchy the Brahmanas occulted
the first and most supreme position.

AMSHVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

147

which are indelibly passed on to the present generation unallected by
any sort of political bickerings and incitement to communal animosity.
The message of toleration, the gift of Amsuvarman’s reign, rings sweet
in the ears of every Nepalese even today and blends him with all his
fellowmen in the perfect bond of brotherhood and amity the world
has ever seen. Amsuvarman has certainly raised his fame to the zenith
as a man of the people to have dissociated himself and his politics
from religious prejudices and to have looked upon all with no partiality
or reserved feeling in which policy Asoka alone can be his equal.

Incidentally we may refer to the nature of interference on religious
endowments, which was used only to the extent of ensuring the obedi-
ence to the Government’s order, but it was mainly on the personal
initiative of the ruler that any step in that direction was taken, the
convention being that the sovereign had alone the privilege of invest! •
gation or supervision in such matters. All endowments were managed
on behalf of the people by a committee called panchalika whose immu-
nity from all official interference was equally guaranteed. All religious
orders had their own organisations as noted in inscri^tioys. There
was one such country-wide organisation of the Buddhist monks, known
as Bhiksu Sangha, which co-ordinated the activities of the monasteries
and was very powerful and sometimes in a position to issue its own
decrees and edicts to the constituent members"* (Sankhu Inscription,
Levi, III, p. 112).

Jisnugupta and Visnugupta

Jisnugupta’s name is entirely omitted by the vamsavalis, of the
later date. The oldest authority, however, cited by Kirkpatrick
(p. 262) introduces Gupta dynasty just after the Lichhavis. In the
last chapter we have shown the wrong order of the names of the later
Guptas as given in the Chronicles and while discussing also denied
the occupation of the throne by them. Bhumigupta must have
flourished in the early part of the seventh century. His successor
Kisnugupta is identified with Jisnugupta and as the identification of
the next name is easily adduced on account of the same name occur-
ring both in this list and in inscriptions, we have no doubt as to this
point. According to Levi, K is only a misreading of V (Levi, II,
p. 156). Jisnugupta was not a Lichhavi as some have wrongly taken

••The text of the inscription is ‘eyadharmo Yam Sridharmarajikamaiyasu
Samghikabhiksu Sanghasya’.

148

ANCIENT NEPAL

him to (Ray: Dynastic History, I, P. 191). His very name and
his reference to the Lichhavi occupant of the throne dismisses such
suggestion and Thakuri he was not, so that his Gupta lineage cannot
be questioned. In one of his inscriptions Jisnugupta mentions Bhumi-
gupta as his grandfather (Gnoli, LIV). This means that there was a
revival of the family to power. Jisnugupta was a Vaisnavite and all
his dedications are made to Visnu (Levi, II, P. 157).

His Inscriptions and Coins.

We have ten inscriptions of Jisnugupta including one which does
not mention the Lichhavi rule but has his own Vijayarajye (BGL,
Ins. No. XI).

(a) The Thankot inscription. — ^It was discovered in the said
village, situated about 7 miles west of Kathmandu. It consists of
thirty lines. The subject matter deals with the partial remission of
certain public dues. There is a reference to Managupta Gomin, his
great grandfather.^^^ Jisnugupta describes himself as belonging to
ChandravjMisa {Somanvaya hhusana) and has added almost all the
epithets of Amsuvarman, like bhagvat pasupati bhattaraka padanugra-
hita, etc. This expression showed that like other rulers of Nepal he
also tendered unqualified devotion to Lord Pasupati. But he has
acknowledged the overlordship of the Prince occupying the throne in
Managriha (Managrihat sinhasanadhyasikulaketu bhattaraka Bhim-
arjunadeva tatpurassarah) , The Lichhavi King referred to here is
Bhimarjun?deva. Quite wrongly Levi read Manadeva. The record is
dated 59, wrongly read 500 by Levi (III, Ins. No. XVf, Pp. 101-07).

Dhruvadeva is mentioned in all the inscriptions dating from
Samvat 48 to 55. Bhimarjunadeva is mentioned for the first time in
an inscription dated 55. This Lichhavi sovereign was continued on
the throne also by Visnugupta. He figures in the two available inscrip-
tions of the latter.

(b) Patan Charter. — This is incised in a stone slab in the temple
of Chhinnamastika in Patan (B.G.L. Ins. No. IX). There is a reference
to Sri Maharajadhiraja Amsuvarman about one of the conduit built by
him how undergoing repair. Managriha and the King Dhruvadeva Lich-

Walsh, JRAS, 1908. P. 181, for his coins.

According to Taranath (Pp. 151, 193) Kamala Gomin and Kamarandu
Gomin, two upasakas, lived in Nalanda in contemplation of Mahayana, Gomin
translated in Tibetan by the word btsun-pa signifies respectable, noble, venerable
in the observance of religious duties. ‘Mahavyutpath* about Chandra Gomin (177)
says that the scholar himself in his work exclaims Gomin to mean honourable
(Pujya)-(See Levi, II, P. 130).

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS H9

havi are also noted. The record is now available in its full. The
date is Samvat 48 (= 36 16 A.D.). The dutaka is Yuvaraja Visnugupta,
his son, who is identified by Kirkpatrick’s authority and by his own
inscription.

(c) Minanarayan Charter**” incised on a stone-slab. — ^This was
discovered near the temple of Minanarayan on the southern side of
Kathmandu. The details are somewhat mutilated. Lines 3, 4 and 5
mention Managriha and Bhattaraka Mahcu^ajadhiraja Lichhavi kulketu
Dhruvadeva, Fleet says that the reference docs not imply the over-
lordship of the prince, as the term is not Managriha, and is merely a
courtesy address signifying the lineage residing at Managriha. Bhag-
wanlal believes in the possibility of Lichhavi overlordship. Next comes
the long phrase, Dhruvadeva describing Jisnu as one who freed the
people headed by himself, Dhruvadeva purasffurah sakala jana nirudra-
vopaya sambignanapitam manasa sa nripate jagcito hitaya, which most
certainly is not meant for a courtesy reference only. The subject is
as of the previous inscription, the repair of tihimakam (a canal) built
by Sri Mahasamanta, whose name is mutilated. Basak fndcjitifies him
with Amsuvarman. The name of the dutaka and the date are peeled
off and lost.

(d) Pasupati record. — ^It simply records grants of land made in
favour of Munda Srinkhalika Pasupati Acharya Parisad for repairing
the temple of Chandeswara in the victorious reign of Sri Jisnugupta
(lA, IX, p. 174). No Lichhavi sovereign is noted.

(e) Maligaon Stele. — It is dated 59. I'he sovereign is probably
not noted. The 2-8 lines arc peeled off, but Kailasakuta is the first
word in the inscription. The dutaka is Sri Yuvarajah Sridharaguptah.

(f) Coins. — ^His coin bears a winged bull with raised paw on the
observe, but it differs from the lion on Amsu’s coins in having the tail
hanging down and not curved over the back. The reverse is an elabo-
rately ornamental form of the trident, and there is no date (PI. L
Fig. 1, Walsh, op. cU.).^””

(g) Two inscriptions of Visnugupta with Bhiniarjunadeva, dated
64 and 65 respectively.^^^ — The dutaka is Sridharagupta. The form
of address is the same as used by Jisnugupta. For the first time the
word Nepala is used here for this country.

All the above noted inscriptions and some others also talk of lax-
remissions and one or the other kind of duties levied, which have

•»IA, Ibid, P. 178.

Op. Cit., P. 261. Thtiir diamcier is 0.025 min. BjU} weight 12 gr. 37.

»®^Gnoli, LXI, LXII.

150

ANCIENT NEPAL

been referred to in the next chapter where we deal with the questions
of economic nature.

If Jayaswal’s reading of the Thankot inscription is correct, then
Jisnugupta may be taken to have been ruling in the year 44 “618
A.D. under Manadeva III. But the reading is wrong, and therefore
we drop the consideration of Manadeva altogether and go over to
Dhruvadeva, the name now correctly read in the inscription. This
Dhruvadeva who is described as the banner of the ruling family, sinha
sanadhyasi kula ketii, was probably the usurper (referred to in the
T’ang history, vide Ante). It can be inferred from the Chinese account
that there had arisen a political trouble in 617 or 18 with the result
that the father of Narendradeva who is identified by the Pasupati
inscription (No. 15, lA, IX, p. 179) was forced to abdicate and flee
to Tibet. The name of the usurper does not occur in the Chinese
account. One of Jisnu’s inscriptions, however, describes him to have
ascended to power owing to the favour of the people and by dint of
his high lineage puny ah vayada^ata rajasampad which may go to
show thatethe succession after Amsuvarman was not determined by
constitutional rights but by other fortuitous factors in its favour. In
the list of the Vamsavalis one Manadeva comes just after Udayadeva
and Dharmadeva is omitted, a fact which is corroborating the name of
the successor of Udayadeva also makes the evidence tally with the
account of the inscription and the Chinese history if we replaced him
by Dhruvadeva. It seems that Dhruvadeva had played himself in the
hands of Jisnugupta by forwarding his claim to the throne and this was
the reason that we find in him in the list of MMK also (vide Ante) so
that the few years from 44 backwards may be assigned to him.

There is a controversy as to the lineage of Manadeva. Dr. Indraji
and Dr. Basak have dropped him out of their lists altogether. Fleet
also in following the former leaves him out. Dr. Jayaswal is of the
opinion that he is a Thakuri, son and successor of Amsuvarman. But
Manadeva does not find any mention in the inscriptions of Amsuvar-
man. Nor the fact of his appearing only in the Thankot inscription
of Jisnugupta is true. The reading is now correctly verified as Dhruva-
deva. The reference to the ruler as ‘the banner of the ruling family’
has led Dr. Jayaswal to infer that he is not a Lichhavi. But we have
the evidence of Yuan Chwang that in his time the ruling prince was a
Lichhavi.^ Coupled with this, there is the proof of Dhruvadeva Lich-

IX, V. 173.

.say that Yuan Chwang’s statement that the King was a l.idihavi
Bauddha applies to Udayadeva alone.

AMSl JVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

151

3iavi ruling from Managriha, the place where Manadeva once resided. If
any ruler of that time had been a Thakuri, the residence would have
been Kailasakuta. We know from the inscriptions of Amsuvarman
that the sanctity of Managriha was well preserved and there is no reason
to believe that Jisnugupta had reversed this policy and set up a descen-
dant of the Thakuri ruler there. More important than these is the evi-
dence of inscriptions which have invariably called the sovereings on the
throne as 'the banner of the Lichhavi family.’*’^ The two rulers must be-
long to the dynasty of Lichhavi on all accounts and only then alone
the evidence of the Inscription No. 15 can be reconciled.

The voluntary acceptance of Tibetan suzerainty by Nepal probably
dates from 638-639 A.D., when Udayadeva as an exile entered into
a treaty with that country for securing back his dominion. He was
probably the person named Go-cha, father of Bhirkuti of the Tibetan
chronicle. The T’ang history is, of course, reticent about the marriage;
but it may be taken to have happened during the exile of Udayadeva,
if at all the story of such a marriage could be deemed true.

While Udayadeva was setting up a friendly allianoe in Tibet,
Jisnugupta was busy consolidating his power in Nepal. Jisnu
had no legal claim to the regency or presidency created by Amsuvar-
man. He had, therefore, to lean on behind the Lichhavi puppets, and
in this process he created two nominal rulers in succession, while he
himself enjoyed the most autocratic and unchallenged powers.

That he did not* hesitate to express himself in the most possible
royal style may appear from the way he refers to himself, which comes
as some stunt *to overshadow the personage on the throne. In this
attempt he went farther than Amsuvarman, as almost all his inscrip-
tions have addressed him in royal epithet and speak of him to have
been ruling by virtue of his high lineage and meritorious services to
the country, which convey a sense of usurpation of the royal throne
rather than of the regency or premiership. He also refers to his son,
Visnugupta as the crown prince, which equally shows his tendency to
regard himself as the virtual ruler of the soil. But with all this Jisnu
had not the daring to ignore the Licchavi puppet, at least, in matters
of formal acknowledgement of his suzerainty, which in the end brought
in forces for his own destruction. He stands, therefore, a little differ-
ent from his predecessor inasmuch as the latter had definitely assumed
the role of the Head of the State towards his last reign, though his
beginning unlike Jisnu’s was very humble. Jisnugupta ruled for nearly

^<'*C;noU. Ll-LV, LVIII, LXI. All discovered recently except two.

152

ANCIENT NEPAL

20 years with a strong hand. The fact that he could bequeath to his
son his rank and power undiminished to any extent after his demise
is a proof positive of the all powerful position Jisnugupta enjoyed till
the last moment of his life.

The period just after 637 A.D. seems to have been attended with
a good deal of commotion and upheaval in the political arena of
Nepal. According to the Vamsavalis Amsuvarman was succeeded by-
Kirtivarman as to begin a new line of rulers in virtual supersession of the
other. But this is not true. In the absence of any kind of authentic-
records, however, we have no way but to accept some evidence of the-
native chronicle as a fact. But to talk of a Thakuri dynasty of rulers
at this stage is going too wide of the mark. The Thakuri dynasty
from this time onwards till Raghavadeva’ succession appears in the
scene either as a mere feudatory existing without having enjoyed the-
formal importance of regnal glory or just a mere fiction of the chro-
niclers as far as its royal position goes enumerated just to make out
an adjustment of the high divergence of years so far unfilled up..
The probability of the second factor is more to the point, for the-
chronicle has always a tendency to care more for years than for names
or personalities, as it appears in the particular instance when it has
allotted 600 years for six generations coming after Amsuvarman, which!
cannot be established as true by any stretch of imagination. Jisnu-
gupta’s omission is equally inexplicable.

As we shall see in course of the narrative, Amsuvarman never
founded a dynasty. None of his family had ever afterwards succeeded;
to capture power. After Amsuvarman was gone, we' hear no more
of his progeny. So the suggestion of the chronicle that the Thakuri
dynasty had ruled for several years more is quite inadmissible.

About who followed Amsuvarman in the position he occupied we^
have come to know from the pages we have just gone through. As-
for those who came after 637 A.D., we do not need to seek informa-
tion from the chronicles. There are inscriptions which bring out clearly
in the most unambiguous language the name and family tree of the rulers,,
who were no other than the Lichhavis themselves. So it appears that
the account of the disappearance of the Lichhavi dynasty was not true-
even for the interval while Amsuvarman, Jisnugupta and Visnugupta-.
exercised absolute pcditical powers. The sovereigns on the throne bad
been only reduced to a phanton by the overwhelming authority
of the personage who, however, had not usurped the throne. It, of
course, implied that puppets sat on the throne according as it suited
the authority, and rightful claimants had been sacrificed, but in alfi

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

153

these the claim of the Lichhavi dynasty as a whole was not disregarded.
So when the change came it so happened that the throne had passed
from a puppet Lichhavi occupant on to another member of the same
family, who had contrived to successfully assert his claim.

While we talk of restoration in 637 A.D. it should be borne in
mind that by this no idea of restoration to the throne was intended to
be conveyed. What we have in mind is that since 637 A.D. the
Lichhavi sovereigns came once again to rule by themselves by doing
away with power usurpers and the puppets they set-up.

More about Amsuvarman and Jisnugupta.

It is certain that Amsuvarman by himself could not have over-
come the enemies without the help of his allies and collaborators.
However, none of his inscriptions throw any light on the sort of persons
he had round him. The utmost we could say about them is by the
witnesses mentioned in the inscriptions. The following will show a
list of personalities, who figure as witnesses in inscriptions and who were
probably behind Amsuvarman while he fought the Gupta* potentates
and rose to power after vanquishing them.

Inscription number

Witness (Dutaka)

Dates

Gnoli

Levi

BGL

Vrsavarma

489

XXI

VI]

Rama Silavarta

517

Bhogavarmagomi

517

XXJV

XIV

Bhogavarma

517

XXV

Vipravarmagomi

518

XXVI

Vipravarmagomi

518

XXVII

Vartaputra Gunachandra

519

XXVIII

Vipravarmagomi

519

XXIX

Vartta Bhogachandra

520

XXX

Desavarmmagomi

520

XXXI

Vrsavarma who figures in an inscription of Ganadeva is the first
personage of the order, the Guptas disappear from the scene until the
time of Dhruvadeva who had, however, Jisnugupta for his all-powerful
Prime Minister. In the above list Bhogavarma is identified with the
person of the same name in an inscription of Amsuvarman (BGL, 7),
who is called there as the latter’s nephew, son of his sister Bhogadevi
by Rajasura Sena. Mahabaladhyaksa Vinduswami of one of Amsu-
varma’s inscriptions who as the expression goes functioned as the com-

154

ANCIENT NEPAL

mander-in-chief^^^ is unidentified. All these names, however, belong to
feudatories who had rallied to Amsuvarman.

About Rajaputra Vikramasena (see above) nothing can be said.
He might be the elder son of Sivadeva, who, however, died in the life
time of his father. Yuvaraja Udayadeva of two of Amsuvarman’s
later inscriptions^^*^ (probably he figured as a witness in other inscriptions
as well) must have died as the crown prince towards the end of Siva-
deva’s reign. We have already discussed the question of his parentage.
In all certainty he cannot but be a son of Shivadeva. Jayadeva’s ins-
cription does not give the name of his father but he is there as the father
of Narendradeva in the long list of the Lichhavi rulers. As he is a
witness in Amsuvarman s inscriptions, some have taken him as the
latter’s son. But his Lichhavi lineage cannot be doubted. Amsuvar-
man in his most glorious days treated the crown prince as his junior
while he had him as his witness in decrees issued towards the end of
his career. It appears that Udayadeva became the crown prince at a
later stage. But when Amshuvarman died, he was probably exiled
and the thiy^ne went to Dhruvadeva. It is quite possible that the T’ang
annal’s reference to the usurper applied to Dhruvadeva, who was an
uncle of Narendradeva as suggested by the T’ang history.

But Dhruvadeva was a puppet. Jisnugupta was the de facto
ruler for all the time. All charters of the time have been issued by
Jisnugupta himself. The ruler Dhruvadeva or after him Bhimarjuna-
deva is just referred to as the sovereign leading the nation (tatpuras-
sarah). We,, have five records of Dhruvadeva of which the date figures
in three are lost. In two inscriptions the address given to Dhruvadeva
by Jisnugupta is not colourful as befitting his royalty e.g. aneka digantara
pratitha prithuparakrama Lichhavi Kula Ketu (Gnoli, Ins. No. LIV) and
Sakala Satvanugrahita Manohirabhimana ramaniya Charita Lichhavi
Kulaketu. (Gnoli, LIV; Ithihasprakas, I, P. 7) embody the most uno-
stentatious form of address ever ascribed to a sovereign. It appears that
Jisnugupta began his regime with Dhruvadeva on the throne. He must
have succeeded to Amsuvarman’s post, and then managed to overthrow
the rightful Lichhavi king and had him replaced by his own nominee.
Jisnugupta enjoyed from the very beginning absolute powers of a regent.
His chancery was Kailashakuta from where all decrees were issued,
while the Lichhavi puppet resided in Managriha, to which a courtesy
reference was implied. There is no record of a grant or charter or any
document in the name of the occupants of the Managriha. Obviously,

^08 Gnoli, XXXVni —

»o«BGL., 7, Gnoli, XLI. XLII.

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

155

this shows a more powerful position than that enjoyed by Amsuvar-
man, who for a while figures as an adviser in Shivadeva’s inscriptions.
In dealing with the status of Jisnugupta, we observed that he behaved
as if he was the sovereign himself. The Lichhavi king was being re-
duced completely to the position of a nominal ruler. Jisnugupta never
addressed himself as mahasamanta as Amsuvarman did in his earlier
records. Right from the outset Jisnugupta assumed the role that fell to
Amsuvarman at the end of his glorious life. Towards the end of his
regime he had grown so powerful that the people regarded him as the
real sovereign. One of the inscriptions of these days has the expres-
sion Pravardhamana Vijaya rajya to suggest that he was actually reign-
ing. Even while he issued his charter and mentioned the sovereign’s
name he no longer had the word tatpurassah but used another expres-
sion tatsahitah meaning along with: he had placed himself on equal
footing with the puppet on the throne.

But in spite of this one thing made him less conspicuous than
Amsuvarman, and although Jisnugupta issued coins in his name, there
is no such item which has his name inscribed with the epithet Maharaja-
dhiraja as we have in the case of Amsuvarman. Less than that, Jisnu-
gupla passed as the most exalted and de facto ruler of the country as
long as he lived.

Dhruvadeva seems to have died near about Samvat and was
succeeded by Bhimarjunadeva. He is the last Lichhavi sovereign on
the throne set up by •the Gupta dictators, the first available record of
Jisnugupta which has a refere;pce to this monarch is dated Samvat
55.^*^® He is addressed in the inscriptions in terms, abhiravodita diva-
Sahara Karadhikatara dipta Yasomshumali Lichhavi Kulaketu (Gnoli,
Ins. No. LVIII). But this does not indicate any enhancement of status
or power. After Jisnugupta, his son Vishnugupta who succeeded him
followed the practice of his father, and the Lichhavi Maharaja was no
better placed.

Visnugupta with the epithet Rajaputra or yuvaraja figures in all
the inscriptions of Jisnugupta except in two of the later period where
Sridharagupta is the Dutaka. This Sri yuvaraja Sridharagupta also is
a Dutaka while Vishnugupta issued his own charters. It is quite likely
Sridharagupta was a brother of Visnugupta.

The Bhrikuti Story

Before we proceed to narrate the history of the Lichhavi restora-

Gnoli, LIV (Kevalpur Inscription) .
Gnoli, LV. LVIII & ff.

156

ANaENT NEPAL

tion, we propose to add at this stage a few lines more to what we have
already written about the legend of Bhrikuti.

The story of a marriage of the Tibetan King Srong-Tsan-Gampo
with the Nepalese princess Bhrikuti might be untrue, but it is so widely
circulated to day that the same has become a part of our history. Right
or wrong, the writers and a great number of our intellectual readers
have been led to take the event of a marriage of a legendary tale as a
historical fact.

We have said that it was the work of the Tibetan chronicles to
have given currency to the legend.

The Tibetan chronicles aimed to daunt a past of glory and prideful
achievement for their country. They thought that by incorporating a
story of a marriage with the princesses of Nepal and China by a Tibetan
King, they would enhance the prestige of their country.'"” In legends
the Tibetan King became the incarnation of Avalokiteswar and the
two princesses were passed on as the two Taras, his wives in the pan-
theon.

This is- just an attempt to introduce a mythical story into the realm
of history. But as it goes Bhrikuti occupies the place of a historical
figure in the shape of a princess of a famous civilised kingdom, who was
^ven in marriage to the Tibetan King. It is no matter which king of
Nepal is associated with the legend of Bhrikuti as her father. What we
have here is a myth gaining the force of a historical fact and this has got
to be carefully examined.

But any kind of historical evidence is wanting in support of
Bhrikuti’s existence in history either from Nepalese or -Chinese source
materials. The T’ang annals (618-907) by Thang Chu speaks of the
Chinese princess, a daughter of the Emperor, Thai-itsung to have been
given in marriage to Srong-btsan-sgam-po."® The question arises, if it
was such a great event in the history of this country how is it that the
inscriptions or any other historical documents of the time have totally
omitted any kind of reference to Bhrikuti.

Even otherwise the prospect of a marriage of a princess of a family
taking pride in its illustrious lineage of a mighty solar ksatriya stock
with a ruler who was for all purpo'ses a Mlechha living beyond the
Himalayas in an unfamiliar and unorthodox surrounding was not ordi-
narily to be entertained.

For Tibetan historical anecdotes read L. Pctech’s ‘A study on the chronicles
of I/adaKh', 19S9 (Calcutta) , Pp. 48-49.

^^®RockhiIl, Life of Lord Buddha, P. 613; Saratchandra Das, Op. Cit., P. 220.
According to these scholars the Tibetan account of Bodhirour substantially
agrees with that of the T’ang annals.

AMSUVARMAN AND HIS GUPTA SUCCESSORS

157

The chances of Bhrikuti’s marriage in circumstances of distress
and exile are not entirely impossible and therefore while discussing
Udayadeva’s identity we have made out a point to push a person other
than Amsuvarman oif in the situation. But even, this suggestion is
such as can be accepted only against a historical perspective. Again
the question will come, if the account of a marriage was true why the
T’ang annals which speak of the Nepalese king’s exile in Tibet and
of his restoration to power due to the latter’s assistance fails to men-
tion about the marriage. Considering Bhrikuti was a person of no
mean importance, who later came to be looked upon as the incarnation
of the green Tara, there was no reason that a reference to her should
have been avoided.

Obviously the Bhrikuti story is imaginative, and lacks historical
basis.

CHAPTER V

The Uchhavi Restoration 1.

Visnugupta’s rule did not last long and he had to give in before
a combined attack on his power by Narendradeva and his allies.^
This event most probably occurred in 640-42 A.D. as appears from
the T’ang history. Narendradeva brought to his aid his Tibetan and
Chinese friends attacking Nepal in his behalf and it was correct to say
that because of him the Chinese now could establish, for the first time,
an amicable political settlement with Nepal and thence with Kanauj
whose first Envoy had already reached the court of the Chinese Empe-
ror in 639 A.D.® Li-I-Piao led another Mission to Harsa Siladitya and
his cortege crossed the Kerroimg Pass and reached Nepal. After two
years the second Chinese pcditical mission passed through Deopatan
in 646 A.D. under the leadership of Wang Huen T’se and possibly
through the Banepa Kuti route. The T’ang annals say that next year
Harsabardiiana being dead the Chinese Embassy was molested and tor-
tured by one Aijuna or Arunasva of Magadha (or Kanauj?) who was
probably a Gupta prince ruling in Tirhut at the time and was able to seize
power in that area after Harsa died.® It is said that Wang fled to Nepal
and from there made a united attack on'the usurper to avenge the assault.
According to the same source Nepal was the most helpful ally and its
7000 soldiers and horsemen marched hand in hand with the Chinese
and the Tibetans to destroy the enemy. The T’ang history writes that
Arjuna was heavily defeated and was taken prisoner to be deported
to China for punishment.* In 651 A.D. China received presents
from Nepal at the hands of Nar^dradeva’s son.® His son’s name,
however, is not noted.

Narendradeva

We have ten inscriptions of Narendradeva’s reign starting from
Samvat 69 and ending with 108, but the date figure of the last one is

^We have a few inscriptions of Visnu^pta (Gnoli) as above enumerated.

* Levi says he passed through Nepal via the pass of Kerong.

•Levi, II, Pp. 165-67.

•JASB, VI, Pp. 69-70; E. H. Pp. 366-67; JRAS, 1869-70 (No. IV), Pp. 55-60;
I A, IX, P. 20 (Translation of Julien's Matwalin) . According to Matwalin, Tibet
sent 1,000 soldiers, Kamrup 30,000 oxen. IHQ, m, 19 ^.

Monahan : Bengal, Past and Present, XIU, p. 61. C. V. Vaidya disbelieves
the episode (i, pp. 334-35). The king of Nepal was Narendradevai and not Amsu*
varman as stat^ by Fleet and others in Gl, i, 190; Levi, 11, p. 161 ff.

•Levi. II, P. 161.

LICHHAVI RESTORATION

15»

worn away and illegible. Some of these inscriptions were being attri-
buted to Sivadeva and as in the first edition of this volume are
placed in the section dealing with such records as belong to the latter.
The last readable date of the series is Samvat 103 of the inscription
No. XIII of Bhagwanlal Indraji, this inscription also finds place along
with Sivadeva’s records as its date figure wrongly read as 143 led the
discoverer to attribute it to Narendradeva’s successor and not to him.
Gnoli reads the name, though by conjecture, as Narendradeva. As
Shivadeva figures in the role of a witness, the record should on no'account
belong to Shivadeva. It is strange that Bhagv'anla! misinterpreted the
expression Bhattaraka preceding the Dutaka’s name, and could not
imagine that the expression commonly applied both to the king and the
crown prince as well as to the God in devotion. We have numerous
instances of this expression being employed in the above sense in inscrip-
tions of the series itself.

Bhattaraka Shivadeva in this record is no doubt the name of
Narendraveva’s successor, as Sri Jayadevoh Bhattaraka in another ins-
cription (Gnoli, Ins. No. LXXVI)® was meant for Siva<k^a’)| successor.
All of Narendradeva’s inscriptions as far as they were traced were being
incorrectly read and most of them are recently traced. This is the
reason that uptill now Narendradeva was given comparatively an in-
significant position in the history of the Lichhavi family of Nepal.
Narendradeva’s inscriptions come at frequent intervals up to the last
date above determine^

We now take up the consideration of such of them as. have come
to notice in recent times. Any reference to economic data available
in the records is avoided here to be specially mentioned in the last chap-
ter along with such data of inscriptions of the earlier and later dates.

(1) Kailasalinga inscription dated Jyaistha Krisna 7 Samvat 69.
It has simply Parcanabhattaraka Sri Narendradevasya Sagram Varsasa-
tam Samajnapayatcdt. It notes a grant of land in favour of certain
schools of Saiva faith.^

(2) Yangahiti (Kathmandu) slab of stone® dated Samvat 69
Bhadrapada SuMa 2. The record is issued from Kailasakutabhavana.
This is the reaffirmation of the arrangement and regulation made for
the maintenance of certain temples by Sri Bhumigupta. Narendradeva
has a verse in Sardulavikrita metre in his praise, and he describes him-

• Bendall’s Srd inscription has also Bhattaraka Skandadeva as Dutaka, Jour-
ney, Pp. 77-79.

» Gnoli, Ins. No. LXIV.

® Gnoli, Ins. No. LXVI,

160

ANCIENT NEPAL

self to have adorned the Lichhavi family. The address is the common
one employed in the records of his predecessors except that he is now
the Maharajadhimja, which is the designation always assumed by Shiva-
deva II and Jayadeva 11. Narendradeva’s message is directed to the
future kings of Nepal {Nepal rajnas). The dutaka is Kumaramatya
Priyajivah.

(3) Patan Darbar stone inscription, dated Samvat 69, Pausa
Shukla 5, issued from Kailasakutabhavana. It incorporates a charter
to a certain village drawing concessions in respect of dues to be realised
by certain departments of State, which had been directed not to enter the
area to give the people relief from grievous pressure. The Dutaka is
Kumaramatya Priyajivah.

Other records are, (4) Deopatan (Kasaintole) inscription of
Sanibat 71 with dutaka Nripadcva, (5) Nacksal water conduit slab of
Samvat 78, (6) Vatukabhairav (Patan) of Samvat 89, which is much
mutilated and worn out and (7) Chyasaltole Stele issued from Bhadra-
dhibasa bhavanat with many lines worn away. The dutaka in the last
inscription is Sauryadeva. The inscription is dated Samvat 95 Pausa
Shukla 10.

Narendradeva enjoyed a long reign of nearly 40 years. We have
already narrated the circumstances which brought him back to power.
His reign was reputed for the visits of the Chinese and Tibetan mis-
sions, which have left recorded anecdotes of their experiences in the
capital of Nepal. According to Chinese sources he also sent cultural
and diplomatic missions to China and Tibet. These we have des-
cribed in the next chapter. Narendradeva adopted fuU royal titles like
Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja. But the T’ang annals call him
a vassal of Tibet. Nepalese sources, however, have nothing to indi-
cate a subservient status of the country for those years. Nor they
speak of any foreign missions visiting Nepal, Narendradeva’s reign
was free from internal disturbances as his restoration had put an end to
the machinations of his adversaries.

One of the verses (9) in the inscription of Jayadeva II speaks of
Narendradeva *being a proud monarch and whose footstool was covered
with the dust from the row of diadems worn by numerous prostrated
kings.’® The chronicles also associate Narendradeva’s reign with the
entry of Lokeswara Matsyendranath into Nepal. According to the
Buddhist legend Narendradeva retired to a monastery in his old age.
His love and devotion to Buddhism are indicated by the representation
in some of his inscriptions of Buddhist wheel of (dharma chakra)

• BGL. Inscriptions from Nepal. Ins. No. XV; Levi, II, P. 157.

lic:hhavi restoration

IGl

flanked by two deer (Gnoli, LXXI). But all the other inscriptions
-have Saivite and Visnuite symbol of the bull or the sankha-chakra
(conch and wheel) in them.

An inscription in Gupta character commemorating the setting up
of an image of Lokeswara (see above) is attributed to Ramadeva
(Samvat 469), but it seems that this was done in the time of Narendra-
deva. A later inscription, that of Jayadeva II mentions Lokanath in
an imagery drawn by the poet, which shows that the cult of Avalokite-
swara Matsyendranath was introduced in this country in that century.

The Double Rule

What is termed as the two Sircar Rule in Nepal is an ancient
institution, which had asserted itself prominently during the time of
Amsuvarman and Jisnugupta. As in the present day, the admini-
stration and regnal machineries were owned by separate dynasties in
those days. The Regent or Prime Minister as of now owed nominal
loyalty to the throne but otherwise enjoyed the most supreme and ab-
solute authority in the realm as appears from the history of Shis period.

This kind of double rule certainly obtained long before Jisnu came,
probably from the time of the Ahirguptas, This seems to have been
the natural culmination of a long series of infantile reigns or of a success-
ful coup d'etat staged in the circumstances by a powerful feudal lord,
those very factors which have given rise to a parallel form of government
in several countries in’our own time. The double rule, however, had
contributed to the weakness of the State in as much as it was itself an
offspring of the 'circumstances where feud and bickering were common.
But the effect w^as so serious that the internecine quarrel between the
two houses opened the gate for foreign domination as happened after
Amsuvarman. The double rule has been always a factor of political
and economic ruination of the country and also of exploitation by out-
-side powers for their own purpose at the cost of the prosperity of the
country concerned. This is evident from the forementioned chapter
of the history of Nepal, which reminds sharply of the consequences.
It took some fifty years to recover from the ill effects of this Rule and
that also was achieved only when the foreign domination had collapsed
in 705 A.D.

Narendradeva's Successors

A few names in certain inscriptions stand out unique as those left

102

ANCIENT NEPAL

out both by the Vamsavalis and the Inscription No. 15.^® About
Vikarmasena, the name occuring in the former, we may infer that he
did not belong to the Thakuri stock as he comes to the same line as
related to Rajaputra Surasena of the earlier inscriptions. About
Bhattaraka Skandadeva of one of the later inscriptions no doubt can
be entertained as to his lineage and date as his inscription amply shows
his Lichhavi parentage.^ ^ He must have been the eldest son of Narendra
deva who died in birth. Similarly yuvaraja Sauryadeva, the dutaka of
another inscription must be yet another son of Narendradeva, who also
might have expired in the lifetime of his father.^* We have, therefore-
no ruler in between Narendradeva and Shivadeva II, the last coming
probably after Samvat 109 (=C. 678 A.D.).

The Year 705 A .D.

One of the most notable achievements of the Nepalese in this
period was the defeat of the Tibetan king in their hands in 705 A.D.
From the Chinese history we come to know that the Tibetans had re-
vived their att&mpts to capture certain frontier districts of Nepal in 703
A.D. But two years thence they were so heavily defeated that no fur-
ther attempt was made in that direction after that event. The Tibetan
king was killed in the battle^^ according to some other sources.

The hero of this battle field is not known from any sources. The
T’ang history also had not cared to note him. There is nothing in the
Nepalese source materials about Nepal’s adventures or engagement with
the Tibetan King in 703 or even before or after. We have already
brought out ample evidence against accepting Dharmadeva in that
capacity. If the Thakuri Regent be taken to have fought in that battle
it must be Varadeva but his role seems to be of a secondary importance
as we have Shivadeva in the period after C. 688 A.D. as the King of
Nepal in full glory. The latter most probably is the person to have
gained the laurels of the battle-field but our verification is limited by
absence of any authoritative evidence on that point.

Whoever he may be, the defeat of the 'Tibetan king enabled the
Nepalese to regain their independence, a typical expression of which
was the form of address the rulers reserved to themselves now appear-
ing in a more dignified and pompous style of Sri Paramahhatta-

lA. IX, No. 4; P. 164; Bcndall, X, 77.

“Gnoli; LXX.

“Gnoli; I.XXII.

‘•Parker in Manchester Journal o£ the Oriental Society, 1911, Pp. 129-SSr..
Missionary Journal, China, 1904; Asiatic Quarterly Review, 1910; JRAS, 188W
p. 435 ff.

lk:hhavi restoration

163

raka Maharajadhiraja hitherto unknown in connection with
their predecessors^^ but started, however, with Narendradeva. By
the time Shivadeva II came to the throne, the consolidation of the home
front was complete and all vestige of foreign rule was withdrawn, which
is noted triumphantly by the MMK in the words that “Shaivism was
reintroduced, Sanskrit was restored and the spirit for the veneration
of cows and Brahmans enlivened.”

About Sivadeva whom we may call the second, we have several
inscriptions, of which the two are dated. If the first of them be taken
to be the oldest, his date as stated in that inscription falls in Samvat
109. Now to what era this date be referred to? Those who believe
that the era of Amsuvarman was followed by the successor attribute
the epoch to 595 A.D. But it is said that they seem to have missed
the point that Jayadeva 11, Shivadeva’s son, only a hundred and ten
years after Amsuvarman’s death has omitted reference to his name,
though in the same context, profuse praise is lavished on the Lichhavi
kings reigning previous to himself by three hundred years. This is very
important for the epoch of the era of Shivadeva IFs or Jayadeva IFs
inscriptions, as not only the Thakuri lineage of these two rulers is hereby
disproved but also at this stage doubt can be entertained as regards the
Thakuri epoch of the era in their inscriptions, because we find that
relationship with the Thakuris is altogether disowned in the inscrip-
tions. Our doubt is further strengthened by the marital relationship
of Shivadeva II with Bhogavarman Maukhari, which brings in the pos-
sibility of Harsa era to have been followed at that time in substitution
of the era founded by Amsuvarman. The Lichhavis must have seen
and made sure that no amount of dishonour attaches to them on any
account and that for ensuring such an unstained position they had to,
at least, remove the principal vestige of the Thakuri rule, that was their
era. It is claimed that the Lichhavis then probably had a notion that
the Thakuris had eclipsed them. In fact when Aditya Sena's inscrip-
tion reveals the adoption of Harsa era (GI, Text pp. 208-10) it is quite
logical that his grandson in Nepal might have not hesitated to follow
in his footsteps for his own sake^'^ and, therefore, his father’s inscrip-
tion, too, may be referred to the epoch of the Harsa era. On the basis
of the above arguments it is admitted that in imitation of his father-in-
law, Shivadeva II had adopted the Harsa era for his reign.

But a proposition of the Harsa era can hardly stand to ground at

** Dr. Ray endorses the view of l.evi that the provision of transport service
for Bhot is a proof of the obligation borne by Nepal towards Tibet as the latter’s
vassal CDNI, p. 163).

«Levi, n, Pp. 167-68.

164

ANCIKNJ NEPAL

this Stage. The inscriptions of Shivadeva II and Jayadeva II follow
in sequence the earlier ones issued since the time of Amsuvarman.
All of them together constitute one single line. They are a series by
themselves. There is no breach, no interregnum anywhere in the series.

The earliest inscription of the restoration period is dated 69. If
this is referred to the Harsa era, the first date of Narendradeva must
occur in 675 A.D., which is quite unlikely in view of the evidence of
the Tang history. There is a gap of about 38 years, which is also
not filled up by any regnal data in the event of the epoch year being
placed in 606-07 A.D. We find the date figure 69 in the first of
Narendradeva’s inscriptions coming immediately after 67 or 68 of the
last inscription issued by Visnugupta. There is no sense in creating
a gap, where it does not exist. Visnugupta’s records bring the pre-
restoration period down to 637-38 A.D. (68-69 year of the era).
Narendradeva ascends the throne in the same year and has an inscrip-
tion of the same date. The gap is filled up. The sequence thus esta-
blished appears logical. Therefore, the argument in favour of the Harsa
era is refnte^. All these inscriptions must now be referred to the
epoch year of 568 A.D. as suggested in the last chapter.

Inscriptions of Shivadeva II and Jayadeva II.

We have only one dated record of Jayadeva. But to Shivadeva’s
name stand as many as four dated ones. The first, the Balambu stele,
is dated 109.^® Then follow :

(a) Lagantole address. This is incised in a black stone slab in
the temple of Visnu in Lagantole, southern suburb of the city
of Kathmandu. The stone has in the upper portion a semi-
circular shape and inscribed within the arch are the relief
images of Kailasha and Nandi. The charter is issued from
the Kailasha Kutabhavana in the name of Shivadeva (II) with
the epithets Bhattaraka Maharajadhiraja. The dutaka is Raja-
putra Jayadeva. The record is dated samvat 119+568-78=:
687-97 A.D. (lA, IX, P. 175). Managriho wis then in a dila-
pidated state, and it was no longer occupied.^^

(b) Sonaguthi grant dated 125. The place of issue is Kailasha-
kuta, and the ruler’s name is clearly readable as Shivadeva.
The dutaka is Rajputra Jayadeva (Gnoli, Ins. No. LXXVIII).

(c) Pashupati grant — ^This was found inscribed in a stone slab
at the southern gate of Pashupati. The record is damaged,

Gnoli, LXXVI. Lichavi Kulaketu Maharajadhiraja.

It seems Sivadeva began his reign from Kailasakutabhavana.

LICHHAVI RESTORATIOX

165

the date of issue and the name of the king are illegible. The
subject matter is the grant of laod to the monastery named
Sivadeva Vihara. The date has been read by Reet and Bhag-
vanlal as 143 = 743 A.D. in terms of the Harsa era. It is
believed that the record belongs to Sivadeva II (lA, IX. P.
176). The charter is issued from probably referring to the
name of (Bhadradibasa Bhavana) , It must be dated 103 +
568=^671 A.D.^^

(d) Chasaltal inscription. This was discovered near the stupa
of Asoka in Patan. The record is in prose and its ortho-
graphy agrees with that in Amsu’s inscriptions. The vari-
ous names of Gosthis, now called Goothi occur in the por-
tions referring to the boundaries of the grants. The date
is samvat 137 with the dutaka Bhattaraka Sri Vijayadeva
(Levi, 111, Pp. 112-18).

(e) Thimi inscription — Thimi is two miles west of Bhatagaon in
between Kathmandu and this town. The record deals with a
contribution to be made by the villagers. TlYb d^itc is lost.
The dutaka is Rajaputra Jayadeva (118-139).

(f) Yagbahal inscription of Patan. This is issued from the same
place as the inscription (b) of our order in the name of
Lichhavi Kulaketu Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja
Narendradeva, the two letters preceding Deva could not be
read by Levj^ The reading Narendra is confirmed by Gnoli.
The letters occurring with the place of issue are common to
(b) aijd (e), the latter was also being taken to have belonged
to Shivadeva 11. The subject of the epigraphy is the grant
made to the fraternity of the Buddhist monks coming from all
quarters and living in Shivadeva Vihara. There is an allusion
to Adanadeva-Vihara, Kfiarjurika Vihara, Yama Vihara, Abha-
yaruchi Vihara, Varta Kalyana Gupta Vihara, Chaturbha-
lankasana Vihara, and Sriraja Vihara (Levi, 111, 139-45).’'*^

(g) Minanath Patan inscription. The date is samvat 145 + 568

713 — 14 a.D. The name of the king is lost; but the
dutaka’s is preserved by another Yuvaraja's name Vijayadeva.
Dr. Bhagvanlal says that this name is a vicarious name of
Jay deva 11 and, therefore, ascribes the record to Shivadeva
11. Fleet, however, takes it as a name of Jayadeva’s son and
pushes the record down to the reign of Jayadeva IL

Gnoli, LXXIII. The name of the king is now read as Narendradeva.

Gnoli LXXIV.

165

ANCIENT NEPAL

(h) Inscription No. 15 of I. A. belonging to Jayadeva II. This
is the last of the series but the most important of all. It is
dated Samvat 153 ==721 — 22 A.D. The importance of the
record is due to the fact that it gives the genealogy of Jaya-
deva’s ancestors of the glorious Lichhavi family. The earliest
reference is to Supuspa of Pataliputra, who flourished twenty-
three generations previous to Jayadeva (I). After Jayadeva I
followed eleven unnamed kings. Then the following order
is given.

Vrsadeva

Shankaradeva

Dharmadeva

Manadeva

Mahideva

Vasantadeva

The next verse which has been subjected to confusion of reading
on account of certain letters fading away in the epigraph has been
already de^lt Vith in another place of the present discourse. Let us,
therefore, proceed with the conclusion arrived at in that connection.
After Vrsadeva (not after Vasantadeva) thirteen kings ruled in succes-
sion some of whom arc named as above and then came Udayadeva being
succeeded by his son Narendradeva “bowed to by all the kings who took
the dust of his feet” (Verse 11). His successor (the relationship is
not defined) was Shivadeva who was a conqueror of enemies and pro-
tector of his subjects. He married the daughter of the Maukhari king
Bhogavarman, who was a grand-daughter of the Magadha king Aditya-
sena. This princess Vatsadevi gave birth to the great Jayadeva who
called himself Parachakrakama, (lA, IX, p. 178 ff; GI, 186-
87; Basak, p. 270) Jayadeva married the daughter of Gauda king.'-^^^
The restoration of the Lichhavis was attended with widespread
prosperity in political and cultural sphere. Nepal had just got clear of
its foreign rulers, under whose sway this country chafed for about half
a century. Politically the victory over Tibet had a consequence of
enhancing its reputation abroad and at the same time contributed to
its own consolidation at home. There was also an end of the process
of double rule now that the Thakuris had sunk themselves into disrepute,
so that free from domestic and external dangers, Nepal could record
a high level of porsperity as in ^he time of Amsuvarman.

This period can be compared favourably with that of Amsuvar-

^‘^Jayaswal probably did not care to note the word Parachakrakaina, when
he says that Jayadeva was not given the full title of sovereignty (pp. 249-50).

LICHHAVI RESTORATIOX

167

anan. The kings as it were treading in the footsteps of Amsuvarman
wisely refrained from reversing what had been done in the past in cul-
tural and political spheres. The administration was run much in the
same way as before. Toleration and piety formed the foremost rules
*of conduct in the court. The kings, though themselves, Saivites ren-
dered obedience to Buddha and other Mahayana deities while even the
most common privileges enjoyed by the Viharas and monks was zea-
lously guarded. Economically the restoration of the original position
►of Nepal as the m inter of the Himalayan country prepared the ground
for speedy recovery from the past slump and from the state of devasta-
tion and ruin which accompanied the wars and foreign domination. All
these vanished as the lightning, while the adoption of the old policy of
agriculture and irrigation as prevailing in the time of Amshuvarman
paved the way for the establishment of an all round economic pros-
perity on sound footing (see inscriptions : Levi, XX, BGL, No. 13).

The contact with India was kept up through more than one chan-
nel, the marriage relation being one of them. In culture, education
.and trade, Nepal identified itself with the major curreflt forces in
the plains and specially of those countries whose boundary lay conter-
minous. As before the intimate connection of the time remained as
firm as ever with the powers in Pataliputra and Gauda, with whom the
Nepal kings had entered into matrimonial alliance we have just noted.
It is possible that these had helped them to regain their position in
Nepal as well as consglidate forces in the Terai, now that the dread of
invasion from the north had vanished for ever with Tibet a^s the vassal
probably enjoying a status parallel to what has come to be under the
present Tibeto-Nepalese treaty.

The status of Nepal contrary to what some scholars have held
•seems to have undergone a great change for the better during the eighth
century A.D. The Nepalese king for the first time in the history of
Nepal was admitted into the fold of the Ksatriyas and could woo the
hands of a ksatriya Princess of the plains. The Maukhari king offered
his daughter to Shivadeva II and the Gauda king gave his daughter in
marriage to Jayadeva II. Thus a new chain of marital alliances set up
a new grouping of powers, which definitely classed the ruling dynasty
♦of Nepal with the noble dynasties of India, those very' dynasties which
would have simply refused to have anything to do with those in distress
and disgrace, least of all with those suffering under' Mlechha tutelage.

We are not ready to take each word of the poet who composed
the verses of the inscription of Jayadeva II even in its face value or
isomething conveying the entire truth. Much seems to have been in-

. V';::' • - -nHAkiA*': ■ I

168

ANCIENT NEPAL

serted by way of decoration or beatification generally as a mode of
figurative speech, which undoubtedly expresses the fact in a manner
likely to give a bright painted picture of a thing in spite of the factual
embodiment underlying the expression, sometimes even in quite antago-
nism of the latter. The claim of the grantee as to his sovereignty of
the whole of North India erroneously believed by some (Basak, p. 280)
to have represented the correct status of his royalty cannot be accepted
without reservation as we have another evidence to the contrary. But
his all powerful position in Nepal itself is least subject to doubt and
should not be construed as a mere indulgence of a poet, for it is evident
that the composer with all his exaggerated estimate of the king’s con-
quest has not used the word Sarbabhauma (sovereignty) in the sense
otherwise than what it really means in so far as it was applicable to-
Nepal and its dependencies in the Terai under the circumstances.

Nepal defeats Kashmir

Those who refuse to accept the above fact of revival of indepen-
dence andoprosperity argue that it was just the time when Nepal was
again under Tibetan suzerainty (Levi, II, Pp. 171-77). They, however,
forget the situation in which Tibet was put after 705 A.D., which was
responsible for the subsequent defeat the latter suffered in 769 A.D.
at the hands of the Kashmiri king,-^ Torn in the midst of internecine
strife and itself faced with a calamity imminent and grave, Tibet was
not in a position to lead any crusade against the southern neighbour.
Nepal on the other hand had emerged triumphant out of the very chaos
which was engulfing Tibet at this time, viz., the threat of foreign in-
vasion. The historical episode of how the Nepalese king could inflict
a defeat on the sovereign of Kashmir as narrated in Rajatarangini is too
clear an evidence to lead us to think otherwise on the subject. And
we have no doubt that the achievement reflects credit on the ruling
Lichhavi king Jayadeva II who is undoubtedly the monarch referred
to therein.

The account given by Kalhana is as follows. In the year 782
A.D. the throne of Kashmir passed into the hands of Jayapida who being
imbued with the most exceptional daring and ambitions aspirations en-
tered upon an adventurous career of conquest and in the first stage could
conquer a large portion of northern and central India. His expansion,
however, was checked subsequently after by the intervention of the king
of Nepal who succeeded in defeating and imprisoning him, and would

K'ri-sron-Ide brtsan (755-97) .

Lie: HH AVI RESTORAIION

169>

let him off only when the latter surrendered a huge ransom and pledged
words of absolute loyalty to himself.

According to Rajatarangini the battle was fought on the bank of
the river kala Gandak, called locally Kaligandaki at present. Kaligan-
daki is the name which Gandak bears in the Himalayas, so the centre of
the fight must occur somewhere on the hills near about Ridi which is
a very important place in the western part of Nepal even today.^-^
The king’s name, however, which is given as Aramudi cannot be identi-
fied.

Prof. Levi with his innate prejudice to give credence to anything
glorifying Tibet, (II, P. 176) attributes the victory to the then Tibetan
king by interpreting the name Aramudi as a Tibetan word; V. Smith
(p. 387) and Stein (TV. Vol. 1, 95) have followed suit much at the
cost of Kalhana’s evidence. We have already said as to how the scene
of the battle and its place exactly fit in with the town of Ridi, apart
from the name of the river which suggests an unquestionable identity
with the present Kali Gandak in Western Nepal. Further the historian
who exhibits all praise for the Nepalese valour and achievement more
than once is least expected to commit so trivial a mistake as to enter-
tain a confusion between Nepal and Tibet, two entirely separate coun-
tries with two entirely separate names.-^-’

Let us now quote from Rajatarangini the relevent verses 531-553.-^

“The Raja named Aramudi, skilled in magic, protector of Nepal,
endowed with the arjts of peace and war planned to overreach him
(531). When Jayapida entered his principality he did not make his
submission but, retired from before him to a great distance with his
army (532). Thus it was that he who was ambitious to conquer inflic-
ted while in pursuit of Aramudi defeats on the various ruling princes
which would have necessitated special efforts to achieve (533). He
proceeded in each country to search the enemy who was in hiding some-
where and was occasionally visible just like to the hawk the pigeon in
the thicket (534). Then when he had exhausted the perilous adven-

** RicU is only a few miles west of Palpa on a hill site overlooking the River
Gandak. It is a summer seat of the Nepalese district head of Palpa. It is also
a sacred place where many go to die and those who cannot may have the posthu-
mous satisfaction of ashes being burnt in the common pyre. Here Saligram, the
black deified stone, is Bound.

^«JBORS, 1936, 111, pp. 2.51-53. According to P. Landon the account has
also the backing up of legends in Kathmandu, but I know nothing of this legend.

Translation by R. S. Pandit, PI. 42-44. Jayaswal identified Aramudi with
Varadeva of Bendall’s chronicle (Nep. Cat. p. 21)! The chronicle relates a story
about Varadeva’s life of renunciation as a monk and attributes to him the victory
over Karkotanaga. Jayaswal says that Armudi in Kasmiri means a monk and
karkota is the dynasty of Jayapida and the account refers to the fight which
Varadeva had with Jayapida.’

170

ANCIENT NEPAL

tures while engaged in conquest up to the horizon he planted his army
on the bank of river which was in the vicinity of the ocean (535). At
this time on the further bank of the river on the right of the king was
found posted Aramudi displaying his army with the emblem Of his own
parasol (537). Seeing his powerful army which resounded with the
rattle of massed kettle drums Jayapida flared up like fire which has
absorbed melted butter (538). He on seeing that the river water
which was knee deep was no impediment in his anger plunged in to
cross unacquainted with the terrain as he was from never having been
before (539). When the king had reached the middle the river was
filled by the rising tide and unexpectedly became unfathomably deep
with the waters (54).-'"'

The king’s army teeming with men, elephants and horses sinking in
the river, which was rising in that manner, in a trice came to an end (541).
The king whose ornaments and clothes were torn off in the rushing
waves, penetrated the waves with his arms and was carried off far by
the flood waters (542) with the pitiful shrieks of the one army, the
triumphant shouts of the other and with the roar of the weaves of the
-river the direction became full of tumult (543). The enemy made
haste and with armed men on inflated skins he drew out Jayapida from
the midst of the river and took him prisoner and held a feast (544) on
the bank of the Kala Gandaka in a very high stone he put Jayapida
into the hands of guards who were in his confidence (546). Thus the
Kashmiri king was once more submerged in adversity and, puzzled as
to what should be done, was consumed by concealed sorrow (547).
The wise Rajah so guarded him that among the artfyl not even the
moon and among the brilliant not even the sun could see him (541).
Together with the fortune of Jayapida I shall deliver to you the throne
of the king of Kashmir” thus through the emissaries Aramudi heard the
message (553) when upon the arrival of the emissaries of the opposite
side the agreement was complete.”

Was Aramudi a Magar Chief?

Except for Kalhana’s account Aramudi is an unknown figure for
the history of Nepal. His name so eloquently appearing in Rajataran-
gini is nowhere traced in the indigenous source materials of our country.
This is certainly strange. How is it that his brave exploits are acknow-
ledged by a historian of the country, whose king he defeated, and there
is not even a faint recollection of the event cherished by his own country-
men who inherit the glory earned by him in the encounter. But this

UCHH AVI RESl OR AT ION

171

alone should not form a ground to reject Aramudi as a ruler of Nepal.
A historian of Kalhana’s reputation could hardly recount the event of a
Kashmiri King’s defeat at the hands of a foreign ruler without properly
ascertaining the facts of the case. We have already expressed our
opinion against identifying Aramudi with any country other than Nepal.
But the problem of his identification remains all the same unsolved

The place where the battle was fought is located in the region
where a tribe of Indo-Mongolian origin lives under the impact of a
Brahmanical culture. The locality is Magarat on the upper reaches
of the Gandak, and the tribe is known as the Magar with a hoary tradi-
tion of Brahmanical Culture.

The region as it falls in the Gandak basin is one of the four major
centres of human settlement and culture for the whole of the area now
comprising the Nepal Himalayas. Palpa and its neighbourhood consti-
tute the principal habitation assuming an air of urbanity. But we know
very little about the historic past of this region. Unearthed it may reveal
something interesting and rich as it was the case with the Kamali basin.

The first time we hear of Palpa is in connection w*ith,the visit of
Atisa, who had taken that route to cross over to West Tibet. From his
account it appears that a Ksatriya king was ruling over the Gandak
region at the time.

Now, suppose we were to assign to Aramudi a place in this region.
Could the riddle be solved? There is no doubt that he fought with
the brave Magars on his side. But the Magars could have as well stood
by their king who came to resist the enemy from his capital in the
Nepal valley. .• The problem of identification remaining unsolved
another speculation would be to represent Aramudi as a local king in
that region.

At the time Jayapida invaded the eastern Himalayas the ruling
dynasty of Nepal had got weakened in strength owing to adverse cir-
cumstances. Quite possibly, Aramudi functioned as an independent
monarch in the Gandak pradesh at about this time. As the Khasa
kingdom of Karnali had not by then come into existence, Aramudi's
principality might have covered the entire sub-Himalayan tract in the
West as far as the present Kali river of the Kumaon — Nepal border
and even farther. Today the Magars are found scattered throughout
the Khasa tracts of the Bheri-Karnali doab. Probably they had ex-
panded following the conquest of their king as early as the 8th century.

It might be that Kalhana by what he heard about the event in his
time failed to notice a separate kingdom so close to the Nepal valley.
The story of Jayapida’s campaigns came to his knowledge after nearly

172

ANCIENT NEPAL

five hundred years of their occurrence. Kalhana wrote in circumstan-
ces where the context of the old period had entirely changed. We can
suggest in the same vein that the political map of the East Himalayas
might have also substantially changed in all these years. Not only the
ruling dynasties but ruling kingdoms could be wiped out from the
map within the duration these fateful centuries.

As Nepal by far was the name of the most ancient and glorious
country in the eastern Himalayas and he could not hear of any other
kingdom there, at the time he wrote his composition ‘the River of Kings’
Kalhana had his own reason to link the event of a fight on the bank of
the Gandak that Jayapida fought with none but the king of Nepal. This
kind of reasoning may however be contested otherwise if evidences to
the contrary ever appeared.

Aramudi in all possibility was a king of the Gandak region. He
might as well be a ruler of a native dynasty of Magars. The Magar
vocabulary might provide a clue to the meaning of the word Aramudi
in its historical setting. But scholars with a compvetent knowledge of
linguistics and^Jndo-Mongoloid dialects are needed for the task. If
Gandak region is thoroughly searched for historical studies, we are
likely to gain new light on the event of the Kashmir-Nepal conflict and
Aramudi’s own identity to a phantom by the overwhelming authority

Lkhhavis After Jayadeva JI

After Jayadeva II, the position of the Licbhavis was shaken, as
the foregoing account has suggested. But it does not appear that they
had ceased to exist since that time.

However, we have no reliable data for their rule in the time follow-
ing Jayadeva' II. Jayadeva’s Pasupati inscription is the last of their dated
records. In between this record and a dated manuscript coming about
two hundred and fifty years later, we have absolutely to grope in dark
for historical names belonging to the ruling dynasty.

The absence of reliable evidence is a handicap in the way of
preparing even a sketchy history for the time between Jayadeva II and
the early eleventh century.

In the few lines below an attempt is made to prove the continua-
tion of the Lichhavi dynasty on the basis of certain unidentified coins
of the period.

The best testimony to the continuity of the Lichhavi dynasty for
another long period of years is provided by the coinage of this period,
which unfortunately till now had been ascribed to the earlier regimes
and to different names. We know from the history of the Nepalese

L1CHHA\'I RESTORATION

173

coinage that there is a type of coins with the legend Sri Pashupati, after
whom they are known today.^® These bronze coins are ‘of less value.
They represent only three-fourths of the anka cons’. These have been
rightly assigned to the eighth century A.D. both by Dr. V. Smith‘d ‘
and E. A. Walsh-^, two foremost numismats; but under a queer idea
of Nepalese coinage and working on the evidence of the irregular
paleography other Indologists have confusingly misplaced them a cen.
tury earlier.

The six specimens of coins according to the above opinion
represent the six Lichhavi kings from Shankardeva onwards, whom
they have placed in the latter part of the seventh century A.D. This,
however, does not seem to be a right inference not only for the mis-
placement of these rulers but also because the Pashupati coins if pro-
perly considered represent kings having the name in words synonymous
with Pashupati, the God Siva implying their devotion to the cult of
Pashupatinath, rather than those whose allegiance to even Shaivism is
doubtful and whose dates under all circumstances belong to previous
centuries. Apart from that the epigraphy of the coin is*a strong factor
to determine their place in the eighth century, which of course »may
also be brought into effect a consonance with the erroneous arrange-
ment if they are assigned a place in that century. But as two allied
authorities simultaneously are not expected to issue coins in the same
place, which position it would amount to if we ascribe them to rulers,
in the above order, we have either to deny paramountcy to Shivadeva II
and his successors or to dismiss the existence of the former kings al-
together from our proviso so that the latter get their due credit. And
as Shiva II and Jaya II have to their advantage the unassailable proof
of their paramountcy expressed through their inscriptions, we have no
other way save to recongnise their position as such, and the coins only
supplement the evidence to that effect. Tlie coins belong to them and
their two predecessors who were also devotees of Shiva and there can

Arranged on a horizontal line, sometimes divided in symmetrical syllables
around the central design trident or flower vase : PA/ PA CU/TI. Their dia-
meter 21x22 mm. is less by little to those of Mananka (24 mm.), their weights
go from 6 gr., 13 to 9 gr., 85 in passing through the intermediaries 7 gr., 40;
8 gr., 30; 9 gr., 46 (Levi, I, p. 111).

pp. 280-82.

*®Op. Cit„ p. 681. There are six varieties of these coins. (1) On the
obverse recumbent bull to left, reverse shows sun surrounded by rays, (2) same
on the obverse, Nandipada trisula opposite, (3) Humix^d bull with crescent above,
reverse sun with rays, (4) on the obverse Trident with an axe attached to the
shaft on the left, some ornament hanging from the right on the reverse, (5) same
with trident but without axe, (6) on the obverse seated figure of a king wearing
II crown and on the reverse vase of flowers. These coins were found in Buddha
Gaya as votive offerings.

174

ANCIENT NEPAL

be no two opinions on that point. On that inference the two other
types must belong to two of Jayadeva's successors. These coins also
testify that the Lichhavis had at this stage maintained in name and fact,
unmitigated royalty and honour, reputation and grandeur as was the
case in the last period.

CHAPTER VI

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITION OF
ANCIENT NEPAL

The Account of the T'ang History

We now come to the account of the T’ang history, which applies
to the year 646 A.D. We have to observe here that though the
estimate was prepared for that year, conditions prevailing then obtained
throughout the seventh and eight centuries, so that they may be taken
as representative of the period in review here. We have also to
remark that the policy outlined in relation to Amsuvarman’s regime
was common with the successive regimes and therefore we may take
them too as representative of that period.

Here is the extract from the T’ang annals : —

I “The Si-Kouo-hing-tchonan of Wang Hiuen-tse ,says : In the
second year of Hien-King (657) Wang Hiuen-tse and ce**tain others
were sent by imperial order to the kingdoms of the west for offering
Buddha a Kasaya. They went to Nepala towards the south-West.^
After arriving in Pouo-to-tou, they reached the east of the village where
there was a depressed bed. There was a small pond with water in
fire. If one takes in hand some lighted fire to illuminate it, suddenly
on its surface appears a luminous fire which emerges from the very
bosom of the water. If one wishes to extinguish it by drenching it
with the water,* the water changes into fire and burns. The Chinese
envoy and his followers placed there on a cooking vessel and thus
prepared their nourishment by heating. The envoy interrogated the
king of the country, the king replied to him. ‘Yore, in striking strokes
with a staff, one made to appear a chest of gold; order was given to a
man to drag it out. But each time that one pulled it out, it replunged.
Tradition says that it is the gold of the diadem of Mi-le P’ou Sa
(Maitreya Bodhisattva), who is due to come to complete the path.
The Naga of five protects it and defends it; the fire of this lake is the
lire of the Naga of fire’.-'

II “To the south-east of the capital, at a small distance, there
is a lake of water and of fire. In going one li towards the east, one

^This was the third mission.

^ Mission of Wang-Fragment IV, drawn from Fa-Youen-tchon-lir Cliap. xvi,
p, 154 Col. 7. Tao-che, xxxvi, 1, p. 5a. Levi 11, pp. 157-59; JBORS, 19j6, III
pp. 24T|-4S (I'ranslation by A. P. Banerji Shastri from the French) .

176

ANCIENT NEPAL

fincJs the fountain A-ki-poJi (the Youen-tcho-lin bears : Aki-po-mi;
the same alternations in the two redactions of the history of the T’ang).
Its circumference is of 20 pou (40 pales). In the dry time as the
season of the rains, it is deep; it does not dissipate but keeps on steam-
ing always. If one holds in hand some lighted fire the entire tank
takes fire; the smokes and the fire rise several feet high. If one
drenches this fire with some water, then the fire becomes more intense.
If one launches therein powdered dust, the flame ceases and what one
throws therein turns to ash. If one places a cooking vessel over the
water to prepare the food by heating, it is well heated. There was
in olden time in this fountain a coffer of gold. A king ordered to
drag this coffer out. When one had brought it out of the mud, the men
and elephants pulled at it without succeeding in making it come out.
And in the night a supernatural voice says: Here is the diadem of
Maitreya Buddha; creatures could not assuredly obtain it, because the
Naga of Fire guards it.” [The reference is probably to Ankhe Pokhri
in the vicinity of the Godavari village, south-east of Patan but not to
Tou-dah (soutn-west) as proposed by Levi I, 159].

“To the south of the town, at more than 10 li is found an isolated
mountain covered with an extraordinary vegetation, temples are dis-
posed there in numerous stores which one would take for a crown of
clouds under the pines and the bamboos. The fishes and the dragons
follow man, tame and confiding. They approach the man and come
to receive what to eat. Who does them violence causes the ruin of
those and his own.”

“Recently the orders of the Empire passed by the kingdom and
thence extended far. Now it depends on T’en fan (Tibet)” (Frag-
ments II and III).

“In the capital of Nepal there is a construction in storeys which
has more than 200 tch’en of height and 80 peu (400 ft) of circum-
ference. Ten thousand men can find place in its upper part. It is
divided in three terraces and each terrace is divided in seven storeys.
In the four pavilions, there are sculptures to make you marvel. Stones
and pearls decorate them” (see also, Waters, II, p. 83).

The following is another item of extracts from the same Notices:

“The kingdom of Nepal is right to the west of Tibet. The in-
habitants have the custom to shave their hair just to the level of eye
brows. They pierce their ears and suspend therein tubes made of
bamboo or horn of cattle. It is a mark of beauty to have ears hanging
up to the shoulders. They eat with their hands without using spoons
or sticks. All their utensils are made of copper. The merchants

POLn IC VL KCOXOMIC C.OXDITION

177

there, moving and stationary are numerous; cultivators rare.^ They
have coins of copper which bear on one side a figure of man and
on the reverse a horse {New history: They have coins of copper which
bear on one side a figure of man and on the reverse a horse and a bull,
and which have no hole in the middle). They do not pierce the
noses of their bulls. They clothe themselves with a single piece of
cloth which envelopes the body. They bathe themselves several times
a day. Their houses are constructed of wood. The walls of these
are sculptured and painted. They are very fond of scenic plays, they
take part in blowing trumpets and beating drums. They understand
fairly well calculation of destiny and researches in physical philosophy.
They are equally clever in the art of calendar-making. They adore
five celestial spirits and sculpture their images in stone. Each day
they wash them with purifying water. They roast a lamb and offer
it to sacrifice.

‘'The King, Naling-ti-po (Narendradeva) adorns himself with the
pearls, rock crystal, mother of pearl, coral, and amber, he has in the
ears rings of gold and pendants of jade, and a breloc b-elt ornamented
with the figure of Buddha. He seats himself on a seat ot lions. In
the middle of the hall one spreads flowers and perfumes. The nobles
and the officers and all the court are seated to the right and to the
left on the ground; at his sides are ranged hundreds of soldiers having
arms.

“In the middle of the palace there is a tower of seven storeys
with coppertiles. Its balustrade, grilles, columns, beams, and every-
thing therein are set with fine and even precious stones. ' At each of
the four corners of the tower there projects a waterpipe of copper.
At the base there are golden dragons which spout forth water. From
the summit of the tower water is poured through runnels which finds
its way down below, streaming like a fountain from the mouth of the
golden Makara.^

“The father of Naling-ti-po was deposed by his younger brother;
Naling-ti-po lay hidden to escape from his uncle. Tibet gave him
refuge and afterwards established him on his throne; he became in
consequence its vassal. In the period of Tching.koan (627-649)
Li-I-piao with some military officers was sent as ambassador to India
and they passed by this kingdom. Naling-ti-po offered him a grand
joy; he took Li-I-piao to Aki-po-li, this tank is 20 pales in circum-

“ The New History adds : Since they do not know how to plough the earth
with the bulls.

‘Levi U, pp. 164-06; JBORS, 1936, pp. 238-39.

ANC.IENT NEPAL

ly8

ference; the water was boiling constantly. Though it is flowing inr
current it sweeps confused by hot stones and throws odours of metaU
It is neither swelling nor barren. If one strikes with an object, there
rises mere vapour and smoke: if you drop cauldron, th^ dressing is
done instantly.

“Subsequently when Wang Hiuen-Tse was pillaged by the Indians,
Nepal sent cavalries along with Tibet; they fought bravely with
Indians, baffled them and obtained success. In the second year of the
period of Yong-hoei (651) their king Chi-li Nalien-to-lo (Sri Naren-
dradeo) sent a new ambassador to offer homage and presents.”

What had most impressed the Chinese travellers was the very
unique commercial position of the country between 646-57 A.D. The
development of commerce is a testimony to the lively interest taken
by rulers in such matters. Commerce, of course, grew in Nepal to
the extent that was allowed by the disposition of nature and geography
on communication and production. There is little prospect of a large
scale agricultural development in Nepal owing to the hilly nature of
the country ar.d rocky soils in most places. The large tract of uncul-
tivated lands in between Tibet and Nepal must have been noted by
the traveller, when they remarked that cultivators were rare in Nepal.
Under that limitation the consequent development of commerce took
place as it were in consonance with the law of natural division of
resources, and of labour. The trade as appears from Yuan Chwang’s
disclosure mainly consisted of dealing in corns, fruits, copper and yak,
all excepting the last produced by itself and which this country sent
to Tibet and India in sufficient quantities. The yak Nepal got from
the areas bordering on Tibet and its role was in tliis respect to take
out chamars (fly flap) and export to India as may be inferred from
the same. The merchandise was carried by itinerary merchants and
handed over to marketing organisations stationed in Tibet and India,
who did the disposal business amongst the consumers.

Iron was probably not used by the inhabitants and all works were
mainly done by the help of wood and copper, a natural corollary of
the same factors of natural limitation, which explains the position with
reference to the dearth of the former and abundance of the latter.
Silver was rare. The coins were chiefly of copper but to a small extent
silver pieces were in circulation (Panas and Puranas, See Ins. No. XIII,
Levi) despite rarity of that metal, probably because the country badly
needed them for reasons of advanced state of transaction involving
rapid exchange of goods,®

® But silver coins of his time are not traced.

POLlllCAI. & ECONOMIC CONDITION

179

Unlike what Yuan Chwang himself says about the ugly shape of
the people, the T’ang account is definitely eulogising. Nor the asser-
tion of the pilgrim that they were mostly of coarse behaviour and
ignorant is accepted by the latter. From the evidence of the T’ang it
appears that the people were not only well shaped and good natured
but they were also proficient in astrology and science, which shows the
high state of cultural achievement attained by the Nepalese at that
time.

It is very difficult to discover the causes of these two contradictory
accounts in as much as both claim to have been drawn by eye witnesses
and therefore seem in no way distracted or distorted on apparent
observation, but it is much likely that Yuan Chwang’s estimate was
based on prejudice which was given rise to by his hatred towards the
ritualistic Buddhism in that country and by his first contact with the
Tharus® of the Terai or some other people who are likely to have
caused unfavourable impression in his mind by a tendency to illtreat
strangers.

The Pagoda Style

The description of the palace of Naling-ti-po, we do not know
whether it was a reference to Kailasakuta or to Managriha, may be
identified with the style of the buildings which is still present in Nepal
and which is wrongly known as the Pagoda style from the name
Pagoda borne by templfs of such a style in Burma. The style repre-
sents temples or houses of hierarchical and sloping roofs in tiers,
storey upon storey, standing on a pavement, supported by a single or
a more similarly hierarchical platforms.

'The Pagoda style of architecture was attributed to the Chinese
and as such was generally believed to have travelled thence to Tibet
and Nepal (Fergusson; History of Indian and Eastern Architecture,
II, p. 369). But now we have a definite information from the Chinese
sources that up till 646 A.D. there was no like of it to be seen in
China. The possibility, therefore, of the style to have travelled from
Nepal to elsewhere is more acceptable. It was during the seventh
century that the advent was made by this style into Tibet mainly
through Nepalese efforts. All credit goes to those who not only
produced a new masterly style of architecture but also gave expression
to the same the way such as was gladly copied by others.

The temples or houses in Nepal on the authority of the T’ang

•The Ttous are the Indo-MongoHan people speaking a variety of Hindi

language.

180

ANCilJiNT NEPAL

history assumed a highly decorating pose on account of the exquisite
architectural and artistic designs covering the surface and also because
of the beautiful picturesque lining walls inside and the artistic facade
and enrapturing mural painting borne by them.

Tliere seems to be little doubt that a large number of temples
and chaityas, the latter large mounds of earth with stone pavements
of architectural grandeur and on the top surmounted by similarly
carved metal roof (Gajur) under a canopy of gold-leaved umbrellas
of metal and of larger dimension (chhatri), existed in the valley or
outside it. The inscriptions standing in the name of contemporary
rulers are testimonies to what these rulers did to construct temples and
create endowments, and in addition to what was being done by a
number of private people. Most of these temples are buried today
underground, some of them which are existing, have been preserved
in a changed shape, while a few lie demolished and dilapidated and
with no remarkability about them at present. In the silence of their
tombs and demolished walls and wrecked countenance, however, the
inscriptiops standing as sentinels remind that at one time they were
th<> objects of attractions of thousands and pride of the place of millions
and a sorrowful cry reverberating through the willows growing on the
ruins sends a thrill through our body in imaginative remembrances of
that past which was so rich and so beautiful.

For temples and their upkeep the kings maintained a liberal grant,
as may be gathered from the inscriptions and^if what the inscriptions
have conyeyed is perfectly true, nobody can deny that Nepal had
enjoyed an advanced type of cultural progress in those days under the
fostering care and patronage of the benevolent rulers.

Cultural Mission to Tibet

The Nepalese contribution to the Renaissance in Tibet in the time
of Narendradeva was of immense value to that country. As was the
case, Nepal helped in conjunction with Kashmir to polish the language
of Tibet and there would be no surprise here on that account as we know
the priority of Newari over almost all the Indo-Mongolian languages so
far as its origin and its richness and grandeur are concerned. Tibet also
imbibed from its association with Nepal and Kashmir some fundamental
characteristics of Indian culture. First of all it got the rich Gupta script
and then its later development, the decorative Lantsa. It is surprising
that the Gupta script could find its way in Tibet at a time when it was
less in vogue in India itself. It was, however, not a case of direct con-
tact with the culture of the Indian plains. The script went from Kashmir

POLITICAL & ECONOMIC CONDITION

181

and Nepal where it was current since the beginning of the fifth century
A.D. Paleographic evidence suggests that the type of script current in
India in the seventh century A.D. was adopted in Tibet. This may ex-
plain the variance in the Gupta and Tibetan scripts and also the diffe-
rence existing in the Tibetan and Manadevite scripts. It must be known
that the last are very close to the Gupta scripts whereas the Amsuvarman
type are not. Incidentally, therefore, the variation supplies us with one
of the strong grounds for dissociating them from the inscriptions of the
later date. The second gift of India for Tibet consisted of the entire
structural basis of Tibetan religion, the Mahayana Buddhism, which was
planted on Tibetan soil by dint of Nepalese and Kashmiri efforts and
affection for that country. We have been used to call it a gift from India
not because Buddhism was ushered into Tibet by the people of the plains
but because it is a product of that place and India as a whole, stands to
have contributed to developing the principles and practices in that
direction; otherwise it is no exaggeration to say that in the first stage of
Tibetan Renaissance Nepal and Kashmir were the only countries to help
it in this direction, the people from Vikramsila taking up the thread only
after a full hundred years. Rgyal-rabs (E. Schlanginweit’s edition,
p. 49) gives in its list of visitors to Tibet "Kumara from India, Silaman-
jusri from (Rockhill, O.P. Cit. p. 613) Nepal, Tabuta and Ganuta from
Kashmir. A few more names from Nepal including that of Budhakirti
are known from Tibetan legend in the same connection. Sila Manjusri,
Buddha Kirti and others had done for Tibet at that time the same services
as were rendered later on to Tibetans by Shanti-raksita and Padmasam-
bhava. Even at"a late stage, the Nepalese evinced the same keen desire
to serve Tibet. Apart from a large number of scholars from Nepal
living there, Tibet enjoyed the advantage of securing from Nepal the
talents of gifted artists and sculpturists who shaped the present capital of
that country and to whom most of the famous temples preserved till
now are due. The Pagoda style and the superstitious school of Tibetan
painting owe their origin to the valley of Kathmandu. In these fields
what Magadha did in regard to the cultural development of Burma and
Ceylon, Nepal did to Tibet. Its role in Tibetan renaissance was so
magnificent that we cannot afford to forget it so soon."

The Route to Tibet

So long, the contact with the Asiatic countries was maintained

^ Nepal then followed the greater vehicle of Buddhism though there were
many attached to the lesser vehicle also. Tantric form of worship bad not made
its appearance.

182

ANCIENT NEPAL

through other routes. As late as 629 A.D. Yuan Chwang had to pass
the circuitous route through the Hindukush to get to the frontier of
India. Since 639, however, the Banepa-Kuti pass (Banepa is known
as Bhotta in Newari. Cf. Ins. No. 1 3 of BGL, lA) was opened and with
it a more intimate contact between Nepal and Tibet and between India
and Tibet began to take shape. The closing of this route till that time
was a factor to shut Tibet from all events in India. It was really
surprising that Tibet so nearer to the frontier of India was kept barbar-
ous and ignorant, whereas China some two thousand miles further
north-east could imbibe Buddhist culture as early as the second cen-
tury A.D. The Banepa route offered all facilities to Tibet to learn
Indian culture and became the principal thoroughfare of all cultural
and commercial contact between the two countries.®

Politics

That in the Vedic and Mauryan times the idea of absolute
monarchy w^s practically unknown has been amply proved by the
thesis of Br. K, P. Jayaswal {Hindu Polity, II, pp. 163-97) and accord-
ingly the data in this connection need not be recapitulated here. In
these days the monarch was merely an executive head with no abso-
lute powers and was himself subject to dictates of the people as mani-
fest through the Paura or Janapada or even through the council of
wise men (savasad), which had power to depose or to instal him
(Raichaudhuri: Political History, pp. 260 ff, pp. 276-85).

But as time passed on, the forces of absolutism grew triumphant.
The constitutional slave turned into a moral master and he in turn
was elevated into the position of an absolute king responsible to none
but to himself. That was the position in the sixth and seventh century
A.D. The contribution towards absolutism was made by so many

* Huang Sheng-chang writes ;

“In the middle of the seventh century, the Chinese Buddhist monk Hsuan
Chao discovered the ‘Turfan-Nepal route*. . . a new way from China to India
through Tibet and Nepal. It was much shorter and easier to travel than the
old one, which lay along the Tienshan and across the Balaturgh Mountains.
Leaving India for home via Nepal in the ninth lunar month of 654, Hsuan Chao
reached Loyang in Honan Province four months later. Never before had the
distance between China and India been traversed in so short a time. This
route was afterwards followed by Indian monks coming to China, monks going
in the opposite direction, all of whom spent some time in Nepal, because it
was there that the Buddha was born and died.

“ Hui Chao, an eighth-century Chinese pilgrim who returned to Ansi, Kansu
Province, in 72D, penned a Record of a visit to the Five countries of India, a
portion of which was discovered in the Tunhuang caves. Many books written
at the time mention how hospitable the Nepalese Government and people were
towards Chinese visitors, and also laud the beauty of the arts of Nepal.**
(Peoples^ China, May 1956) .

POLITICAI. & ECONOMIC CONDI IION

183

factors, e.g. (i) the decline of the Janapadas, (2) the line of usurpers
who based their sovereignty on divinity, (3) the series of foreign inva-
sions which made it quite necessary to confide in and concentrate
power on one man, (4) the idea of unique imperial glory and grandeur
under the Guptas, etc. etc. The monarchy in Nepal as stated was a
Gupta prototype, and marked the development of factors which had
substituted autocracy by the head of the tribe for the democracy in
which the tribe participated.

The Government

At the head of the Government was the Maharaja or the Regent
as in the time of Amsuvarman. The Maharaja was a hereditary ruler.
He was assisted in the administration by his Prime Minister called
'Generalissimo (mahasarvadandanayak) and Grand Usher (mahasar-
vapratihara) who combined in himself the functions of the judicial
head and the secretary-general. The head of the army was called
Mahabaladhyaksha (Chief of General Staff), and the Minister of wor-
ships was similarly called Dharmarajikamatya. The vafioi]^ details of
.administration were carried on by officers designated as bhattarakap^ldiya
(King's officers) or Vartri (salary holders). The samantas were
provincial Governors, sometimes holding posts by virtue of their heredi-
tary rights. The diplomatic department was generally held by the
king himself or by his son or by one of his favourites.-*

The above functional distribution of power does not envisage
sharing of it with the people, for all these posts were filled. by the king
by virtue of his» prerogatives and he also mainly appointed his officers
from the rank of those who were loyal to him. Amsuvarman, however,
as befits a man wlio rose under circumstances critical and had to usurp
power, seemed to look to his subjects as a source of his strength and
support so that in his time a definite stage towards the revival of the
old type of limited monarchy had appeared near in sight. His address
to the people was couched in highly respectable terms; he often took

** Ins. No. XIII: “The ‘personner ol the ro)al family is at least partly eiuimerat-
*ecl in an inscription of Amsuvarman, dated in the year 625 J.C. and which seems con-
aected with the coronation ceremony of this prince. At the head appears the
great ‘Inspector of armies’ Mahabaladhyaksa; then the ‘Superintendent of dona-
tions’ Prosadadhirkrta; then at a short distance the bearer of the ‘Fly-Flap’
•Cameradhars; ‘The standard bearer’ Dhiraja Manusya; the ‘supplier of drinking
water* Paniya-Karmantika; the ’in>s|>cctor of the scat’ (Royal) Pithadhyaksa; the
‘bearer of Puspa Pataka’ Puspa-Pataka Vaha; the ‘drum and blower of the
conch’ Nandicanchavada; and even the ‘sweepress’ Sammarjayitri.” (Levi).

The Danvarika of Gnoli’s LXXXII must have been quite an important offi-
cial, who was entrusted with the task of making payments to different priests and
others on ceremonial occasions.

184

AXCIKNl NEPAL

the advice of the elders of the country, protected the people from
unusual interference of the officials and exacted a little tribute as was
only necessary. The ideal of kingship — the fatherhood of ruler and
sonhood of subjects, was ungrudgingly followed by him and under him
every facility for the encouragement of high ideals was earnestly ren-
dered.

The system which Anisuvarman stood for was put out of operation a
little in the time of his successors. The procedure normally developed
in the line determined by the peculiarities of circumstances in which
Jisnugupta or his successors had triumphed. But all the same the rulers
were not so dictatorial as to harbour pretension to absolutism and for
the matter of that straightaway trample down all rights and liberties of
the people. All of them ruled with a show of rod, no doubt, but they
strictly followed the tradition and example set by Anisuvarman and his
predecessors and there was not much harm done to public cause by their
rule. To them also we owe the cultural advancement and economic
prosperity of Nepal of the seventh and eighth century A.D.

In inscriptions which record charters granting certain privileges
to tillages, the issue is addressed to the community of inhabitants
(Grama Kutumbinah) led by their chief (pradhana purassaran) , In
some the community is mentioned as led by Brahmanas. In a few
inscriptions of Amsuvarman, the address is made to Grihaksetrikadi
Kutumbino, the house-holders and land owners (Levi, Ins. No. XIV).
Obviously by these terms whether separate units of villages or those
of the inhabitants charged with the contributions under royal grant
they were being treated each as one family. This presupposes the
existence of self government at the lowest level. It appears that the
village assemblies were functioning actively at the time.

Agrahara

We have a number of inscriptions showing the boundary lines
of an area set aside as agrahara (e.g. Gnoli, Nos. LXXIV, LXXII,
in the name of Aryabhiksusangha). The donor in each case is the
ruler himself. By decrees issued through the inscriptions the area was
exempted from all kinds of levies and taxes. The donee became the
absolute proprietor and landlord of any property within the confines
of the agrahara specified. No state officials entered there and inter-
fered in any way with the activities of the organisation, in whose name
the grant was made.

The practice of creating endowments of Agrahara was prevalent
since a long time and applied both to Buddhist and Brahmanical clergies.

POLITICAL il* economic: condition

185

The ostensible purpose of such endowments was to enable those
desiring to pursue learning to lead a life exclusively devoted to the
profession free from the cares and worries of want and poverty. The
agrahara maintained institutions and centres of education far from the
din and bustle of commercial towns. As our inscriptions bring out
spacious and rich agrahara, we are apt to think that, in those days
learning and scholarship obtained wide encouragement and support
from the state, and that there were a large number of people who were
engaged in intellectual pursuits and academic research.

Economic Policy

Anisuvarman’s economic policy was actuated by only one consi-
deration and that was how to benefit the people of the country. It
was, therefore, natural that he should always devote himself to the
improvement of trade and commerce of the country. His time on that
account was the most prosperous, for we have on the evidence of the
T’ang annals that the country was fully advanced and developed in
commerce when Wang Hieun t’se visited Nepal. Amsuvarnian, at first,
put the monetary system in order by introducing new copper and silver
coins and by adjusting the deficiency of the former debased coins of
gold.^^’ Two modes of reckoning values are known, one was the
Purana and another Pana. Karsapana was another name of Purana
weighing 3 grams 80 of silver, which was divided into 16 panas+
(9 grams 48 of copper).^’ On the medium of exchange depended the
whole basis of commercial transaction and by effecting the monetary
reforms he fulfilled a great need of the trading community. The
country enjoyed the monopoly of the trade passing between Nepal
and Tibet and also of the transit trade between Tibet and India. The
Government was alive to the need for maintaining this entrepot trade,
and ensured supply of transit labour to all concerned. If under him
the commercial position would not have been strengthened, never was
such a hope to be entertained. His was the most prosperous time
from that point of view.

It was not to be supposed that the industrial advance was effected
at the cost of agricultural economy. Agriculture was the primary occu-
pation of the people in the valley and there was no reason for the
state to neglect its development. Amsuvarman and his successors
understood the significance of agricultural prosperity and they, there-
fore, made every effort to help the people in this direction. They ran

^nvalsh, Op Cit. 1^678: KI’j/ Cii.. P. 215.

Levi, III, Xll lootnote to P. 83; Rausoii, Indian Coiiis, P. 2.

486

ANCIF.NT NEPAL

a network of canals for the purpose (tilamakani),^- which in the end
produced untold advantage for the peasants. The hilly nature of the
country naturally offered the only prospect of terrace irrigation.

In matters of irrigation the Government exhibited the utmost sense
of prudence and constructive ability. It was not such as to have
merely erected a water course and then left it to run by itself, as was
the case with the lax administration of those days. But under the
sagacious regime of Amsuvarman and his successors, everything was
well conducted in the best interest of stability and efficiency, which
naturally resulted in checking wastage and in ensuring adequate supply
as the case may be. The writ issued 1o the villagers whose committee
(Panchalika) managed the administration of such water works, directed
them under state provisions to use water in proportion to specified
allotments, to use for themselves or to divide it with others according
as it was stipulated (Inscription 14, I A, IX. Saptada bibbajya bhoktav-
yam). To meet the capital expenditure and upkeep of the canals, the
Government levied water tax on all users, which shows also the source
of finance by which all such affairs were managed by the state.

Taxes

Besides revenue from land three forms of direct taxes have been
noted from the inscriptions. The first is a tax called Mallakara or
Potaka which was probably realised universally as a defence contribu-
tion.^^ The second w'as a kind of cess on water used for irrigation
purposes. The third was a levy exacted in specific cases for the main-
tenance of religious endowments. A tax on gold ai?d luxuries also
seems to have been in vogue.’ ^ Bhagabhogakara mentioned in the
related inscription can only mean royal shares of the annual produce
of farms and orchards which included daily or seasonal household
necessities. The word sulka occurs in connection with the tax on fishes.

Porters for the purpose of carrying loads to Tibet were provided
to merchants by a particular unit of village.^^ Porterage was obtained
as a form of forced labour by the King who distributed to the mer-
chants according to requirement. The Government when needed also
obtained compulsorily as many load carriers as the requirement was

^^Gnoli, Ins. Nos. L, Lll, BGL, Ins. Nos. 9, 10.

Levi, III, XVI, P. 109; XI, Gnoli, XXX, LVI. Pp. 74-7.5.

Inscription No. 12, lA, IX, P. 171 (BGL) ; Gnoli, XII, LXXVII (Samucitadeya^
Jfhagabhogahara hiranyadi) . For bhagabhogakara read Fleet, Pp. 118, 122, 179,
194, 198, 295; D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, I, P- 372 f.n. 7; Bose, Social &
Rural Economy, I, P. 126; Ghoshal, Historiography (Beginning and other Essays) .
p. 172; Arthasastra (Bhattasvamin) JBORS, XI, Pt. HI, p. 83ff. (II, 15,24); Manu,
VIII, 307.

ibid. Jihotta I'isti heto bharikajatm panrha Vyahasayibhi grahitabya.

rOLi riGAL k ECONOMIC C:OM)l J ION

187

deemed. There was also a local cess realised from certain dealers
and retailers particularly as the production of oil from mustard seeds
(tailakaram)^® and on fishes^' and on fowls and pigs.^^. Some
villages used to pay specified jars (ghatakam) of oil to the ruler.^®
The rates for fishes were different according to their qualities. The
wood-cutters paid a sort of levy on the woods and leaves collected
from forests.2^ One inscription in particular (Satungal) forbids carry-
ing of an axe into the prohibited forest area unless otherwise ordered.
The tax mentioned in regard to onion and garlic was in all probability
applied when these appeared as articles of export to places outside
Nepal.-^

According to Levi, the land tax ‘ fixes along with sinhakara the
amount of 4 copper panas on the plough’.-- This interpretation taken
along with sinhakara is not correct as it is based on the misreading
of a word (22 line) in the related inscription. Two letters being peeled
off, the meaning of the expression is not as clear as it should be.
The tax on lion is not imaginable.

The king received further a portion of harvests,* 1/6 or 1/8 or
1/12, as was determined in accordance with the nature and degtee of
productivity of cultivation.

Inhabitants of the area where the royal animal farm was raised
contributed in money for its maintenance unless otherwise exempted.
Tlie tax totalled 3 pana purana.-^ But whether it was per head of
the population or for the unit of a village as a whole nothing can
be said with certainty. The Khopasi inscription of Sivadeva T grants
certain privileges to the inhabitants of that village, while it asks them
each to give to the authorities 50 pieces of white chalks on the occa-
sion of the Kailasakutayatra.

A part of the revenue came out of the realisation of the fines
imposed on certain classes of offenders particularly guilty of five great
crimes. If the locality happened to be the one enjoying the status
of a Kotta, then the fines went to the coffers of the Sangha or pancha-
yat as the case may be.^^

Levi, in, XV. Pp, 96ff.; Gnoli, XXXVII, L\ .

Gnoli. XXXn (Chapagaon) . Asulkantadasya, mlkapahrasena probably a
market duty as the wording shows (ujmkrayan krtva pratinivariamauanain ) .

Gnoli. XXXIX, BGL, 6; GnoH, XLIII.

Levi, XV; Gnoli, XXXVIL

Gnoli, XXVXII.

Gnoli, XXIIl; Itihas Prakas, I, i, Pp. 55*58 {Lasana Palandii-Karabhyatn) .

Levi. III.

Gnoli. LXXIII, LXXIV.

** Gnoli, LXXIII, LXXIV. Sariramaham rnjakulabhyan ladgrhaksetra Kala^
tradi saivadravyani aiya sanghasfyeti.

188

ANCIENT NEPAL

Bhagwan Lai’s inscription No. 13 now re-read refers to a contri-
bution of 100 panas for the taking out of the foetus from the womb
of a dead pregnant woman.-"

Crimes listed in the panchaparadha included theft, enticement and
murder, and these were specified by decrees. The state had a claim
over the body of the offender. His earthly belongings, house, land,
wife and everything else went to the possession of the Sangha.-“

A tax on a woman (Strikara) looks strange. But this is promi-
nently mentioned in several inscriptions of the reign of Sivadeva
Certain officers were permitted to enter villages under question only
to realise strikara. The last of the inscriptions to give this tax is
that of Jisnugupta.-^ As no mention is made of this tax in the follow-
ing inscriptions, this seems to have been stopped since the time of
Narendradeva. Now the question is how this tax was determined.
Did this exist in the nature of a poll-tax on every girl born to a parent?
Some inscriptions speak just of strikara without any kind of elabora-
tion. Jisnugupta’s Maligaon inscription has more things to say about
fines to be realised when a woman forsakes her husband to take to
another. But this does not throw any light on strikara as such.

Nailyakara figures in one inscription as an item from which a vil-
lage in present-day Thankot was exempted in regard to payment.- '
But the nature of this tax is yet difficult to understand. Was it a tax
on the output of indigo ?

We have come across four different offices dealing with the
realisation o£ revenues and contributions. These are Bhatta, Map-
choka"*^’, Solladhikarana and Kutheravrittadhikarana*. One more
Lingvaladhikarana'*^ also figures in two inscriptions. Perhaps Bhatta-
mapehoka and Lingval were offices which also performed the duties
of arresting those charged with five crimes (Gnoli, XIX). The sphere
and scope of duties allotted to these offices of state, cannot, however,
be ascertained. Ordinarily the administration in general was known
as adhikarana. There were four departments of state distributed with
assignments for each of the east, west, north and south zones. The

Gnoli, LXXITI.

Oiauraparadarahatya sambJtandadi panchaparada. (inoli, LXXIV. Le vi,

XX.

Gnoli, XXII'l, XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXVII. {Kvihenfrttyadhihan'anamha
Samucitas trikaui matra sadUajia yahnt pnweso lekhynna panchaparadha tv appra-
dyarthan (niwittam ) .

Itihas Prakas. I, 1. Pp, 58',50. Gnoli, LVII.

Gnoli, LVI; Levi, III,' Ins. XVI.

®*LSanskrit Sandesh, 11. L 2, .3, Pn. 6*9; Gnoli XV.

« Gnoli, XIX.

POLITICAL & economic: condition

189

-department dealing with the general administration, which also co-
ordinated the above four, was called Sarvadhikarana/^-

Whenever the king was pleased he made a charter granting relief
to those concerned in respect of tax collections, and enjoined on the
authorities in charge of the above noted offices not to interfere with
them on that account. Similarly all regular and irregular soldiers or
policemen (chata bhata)'*'^ on watch and ward duty were prevented
from wandering about the prohibited areas so that the citizens lived
in peace without being harassed or persecuted by unauthorised Gov-
ernment agents or by those who collected additional impositions inflict-
ing torture on the assessees.

Any grant of land was made over to the recipient only after a
thorough survey. All lands in the villages were properly and care-
fully marked and measured and their boundaries fixed. More often
than not detailed and minute descriptions appear in inscriptions while
speaking of the grants in question. Sometimes the location corres-
ponded to the natural barriers. In the words of S. Levi, ‘ the details
of the settling of boundaries attests the overscrupulous* precision of the
Nepalese land surveyors’ (III, p. 150). %

Below we reproduce two passages, one each from two inscriptions
of our period, which give us an idea of how carefully frontier lines of
land grant were delimited by royal decrees.

From inscription XVI of S. Levi, we have (14-20). And here
is the settling of the. limits; to the north-east as far as the east, above
the summit in skirting at the base the drain of the Gomin, the Five
Waters; thenc* to the south-east, Jrbramkharo; to the south, Dharigh-
madul, then in continuing to the South . . . . ; to the South of the river;
and to the south-west Lanka; to the west the drain, then in skirting
Pahanco; and to the north on the Summit from the top of the moun-
tain the drain; then as far to the north-east the drain.”^*"^

Further, another inscription, XVIII of Levi has “l..to the
south . . the garden . . ( 3 ) . . to the south . . the garden . . ( 4 ) as far
as. .the West, .of Mana. . (5) in skirting, .in the west, .a little to the
south to the west of Cankara. . (6) . .to the west, .by going from there
to the north, .the circle of houses. . (7) . .and by going to north the
great . . ; by going to the west by the west, by the west of the Bridge

Levi. 12; Gnoli. XXXL

Gnoli, XIT: Inscription No. 12 of Bhagwanlal (BGL) . For the interpreta-
tion of the word Chatabhata, read Fleet, p. 98, f.n. 2; lA, 1876, p. 115 f.n.; lA,
1880, p. 175, n. 41. E.I. XI, p. 221.

GnoH. XII; XXXIV, LV, LXXVI.

Levi, III, Pp. 103-109. Gnoli, LVI.

190

ANCIKM NEPAL

Stone. at the panchali of Reta (8-12) and by going to the north-
east by going to the north-west of the garden of the panacali of Loprim
. .of the Dolacikhara, by going to the north-east by going to the north-
west of the field of the Panacali of Punka by going to the north-west
of the field of the panacali of Loprim by going to the north of the
field of the Indra of the village of Loprim by going to the north of the
field of Mana thence as far as, such is the settling of boundaries of the
field of the convent of Puspavatika.

(12-18) . .to the west to the north, .the Palaces the circles, .limit
of stronghold has been conceded by us.”*^®

Land Measurement

We have three words used in our inscriptions for land measure-
ment. These are bhumi, pindaka and manika,^^ In some cases pin-
daka and manika are used as one phrase. Perhaps bhumi is the
original expression of the word bum in Newari, which meant a plot
of land measuring nearly 2 acres. Manika also has been traced with
reference to the 'quantity of paddy measured.^® It conveyed very prob-
ably the same sense as done by mano (a pound) of the present day.
In relation to land measurement, manika connoted an area of land,
which required the amount of seeds for sowing in terms of the manika
measurement. The word manika used conjointly with pindakam,
according to an anonymous Nepalese writer, expresses the sense of an
eight mano unit, called pathi. The same applied,, to the area of land
would mean a plot measuring about 1/1 00th of a bhumi. In Inscrip-
tion X of Gnoli, we find 72 pindaka manika as the next unit of measure-
ment coming after bhumi. Manika used singly might contain even
lesser area of measurement.

Land Tenure

The term bhumi Chhidranyaya occurs in many inscriptions of the
post-Amsuvarman period in connection with the land grant. We have
no idea of the system of land tenure obtaining in those days. But this
much may be said that land granted under this system was owned
with the rights of a permanent tenant, the King reserving to himself
residual proprietorship of the mineral resources and treasure trove.
In all cases bhumi chhidra implied cultivable plots or if it was a whole
village under grant inclusive of barren but cultivable waste lands as

«®Levi. Ill, Pp. 111-18. Gnoli, LXXIX.

Gnoli, vi, X (pindakam-manika ) , XV; XVII (Ksetrapindakam 28) .
Gnoli, LXX; Bendall in Journey in Nepal, Ins .3, Pp. 77-79.

POLl i ICAL Jv KCONOMIC CONDITION

191

While the King intended to make a grant of land which was
not in his direct possession, he purchased it from the proprietor. The
fact that land had the price even while the King was involved in the
deal shows that in ancient Nepal the state had no ownership right over
the properties of a citizen, and he could not be deprived of the same
without due compensation.

Kotta and Dran^a

Kotta and Dranga were areas, the inhabitants of which enjoyed
a status higher to those living ordinarily in villages. Kotta probably
refers to a fortified area on a high altitude, a ridge or a meeting of
two ranges.^® Dranga had a similar position, but its status was not
equal to that of a Kotta. While any place was raised in status, the
charter referred to it by the expression Kotta maryada sthita mean-
ing ' attained the dignity of a fort According to one author Dranga
means a police station, while another took it as an item of police tax.^^
Both these meanings appear not too wide of the mark for dranga has
been used in our inscriptions in a manner to cover the mftaning of a
station and a tax.^- In the Inscription XXII of Gnoli there is an
expression asmin drange, which clearly establishes its situation as a
station enjoying certain strategic importance. But dranga in the expres-
sion Sarvatalagrama sahitsyaivasya drangasya muktam might imply a
tax associated wdth dranga as an outpost of military or any kind of
defence utility.

Forced Labour

Slavery was unknown in ancient Nepal, but a system of forced
labour employed in state undertakings obtained in our period.'^’* This
was called visti, the same as beth current for forced labour at the
present time. The expression appears in several inscriptions which
record grant of a charter to villages exempting their inhabitants from
forced labour. It seems that forced labour was treated as a form of
taxation and a burden on the people. It must have been compulsory.
Sometimes the king transferred on to the grantee the privilege of exact-

Gnoli, LXXVII, BGL, No. 12.

For interpretation of the term read. lA. 1872, I, P. 46 f.n. TA. 1875, F. 106
In.; El, II, P. 353; Fleet, Pp. 137, 166, 179.

Gnoli, XXXIV {Sarifakoita maryadopapannatvad ) , LXI.

Rajatarangini (Stein), II, Pp. 291-92. Fleet, Pp. 97-98, f.n. 6.

Gnoli, LXVI.

« Gnoli, Ins. Nos. LXXVI; LXXIII, LXXVII; BGL, No. 12.

192

ANCIKNl NKPAL

ing forced labour from a particular area that formed the subject of a
royal grant. A few villages were required to pay in alternative amount
of cash money to the king if they did not render physical labour.^^
We have not been able to correctly interpret the word Jhalandu Visti
of the inscription LXXVJ of Gnoli. Probably this was used in the same
sense as bhottavisti of another inscription. Jhalandu might be a desti-
nation like Bhotta, to which merchandise was sent from Nepal. But
it is hard to locate Jhalandu.

General Picture

An inscription of Amsuvarman records a charter prohibiting the
entry of bulls, horses and horse drawn carriages into a specified area
irrigated by Nilisala pranali.^'* Another inscription (Yengahiti) speaks
of a certain category of jewellery and ornaments prohibited to those
convicted of treason and like crimes.^*' These references to horses,
horse drawn carriages and ornaments and jewellery do certainly testify
to a high degree of material prosperity attained by the Nepalese
people of the period under review. The evidence of the T’ang annals
is amply supported by our inscriptions.

Ancient Nepal seems to have been rich in agricultural resources,
which had developed to a great extent. Although time and again the
peasants suffered in their own way, Nepal's agricultural economy was
sound enough to be a guarantee against ravages and depredations of
natural calamities and wars. But all this is j'lst an inference. We
have no materials at our disposal to add here to what we have already
written about this subject in our treatment of economic* policy.

Apart from this, we may note a few details about agriculture as
attested by our inscriptions.

We have made a reference to taxes on fishes, fowls and pigs.
From the wording of the inscription it appears that care was taken
under royal decrees to preserve fishes and animals.*^" We have traced
lines in the inscriptions, which speak of horses and elephants. The
word Gohale goyudhe in the inscription XVI of Levi suggests that
ploughing was done by bullocks. Sandhika comes for a reference in
the inscription XLII of Gnoli. This indicates that bulls roamed freely

** Levi, Ins. No. XIX; Gnoli, LXXXII, Visti mam/syasam handhena pratwarsam
yat puraiiasala eva graminair dataxfyam rajakiilaya vyavasayibhistu nakadadd.

Sans. Sandesh, I, 10, 11, 12, Pp. 34*35; Gnoli, Ins, No. XLII. Lingual Sandha-
svikaxfahita gantribali xmrdanam,

Gnoli, Ins. No. I.XI (Partdakeytiranupuran) .

Gnoli, Ins. No. XXXII; BGL, 6. A variety of fishes is mentioned, Craga-
griba, Kastikamatsya, bhukundika.

POLITICAL & ECONOMIC CONDITION

103

in the streets and they were venerated and looked after for selective
breeding. The agraharas marked in several inscriptions does testify
to the interest of the state in the maintenance of public parks and
forests.*^

Our inscriptions do not give anything about industries. Our quo-
tation from the Chinese history given initially in this chapter may enable
us to form an idea of how artists and builders flourished in the ages.
The Chinese have all words of praise for the workmanship displayed
in specimens of Nepalese art creations. One of the inscriptions of
the period speaks of the king as one who was pleased to see a huge
carved jalasayana image of Visnu done beautifully and successfully.
This certainly is a tribute to the artist in question. The industrial
aspect of art has also to be acknowledged. r3ut if we were to seek
for any information about industries yielding necessities of life, w^e
have not g6t any source materials so far to avail of. Except for a
cursory allusion even the Chinese notices fail to provide any clue about
the subject matter.

However, as jewellery and ornaments are mentioned in the
inscriptions, we have no doubt that goldsmith’s industry was (fuite
advanced. In like manner wc can adduce the working of metals like
copper, bronze and brass to have been in a developed stage. Copper
coins of the age bespeaks the advance in the industrial growth of this
metal. About oil-containers ( tailaghatam ) mentioned in some inscrip-
tions, wc cannot say whether these were of earth or copper or leather.
As the practice goes, they must have been of black earth,* which are
much lasting. Water mills and oil-mills must have been in abundance.
If Kautilya’s nepalikarn meant woollen blankets from Nepal, the exist-
ence of woollen industry has got to be admitted.

We do not know if sewn garments were in use. From the
Chinese account we obtain an information that the Nepalese in the
7th century had only one piece of cloth to wear and they enveloped
their body with the same. Probably textiles had developed to that
-extent they were in India, but the art of cutting and sewing had lagged
behind.

Talking of the prowess of the rulers in eulogising terms, the
inscriptions make a reference to bitter wars which must have been
surely fought out with highly advanced weapons.

^«Gnoli, Ins. Nos. LXVI; I.XXXVII, BGL, 12.

Gnoli. Ins. Nos. LXI {jalasayanarupanispadanayo^a brhacchila Karsanaxja
para pariiusUtir ) .

194

ANCIENT NEPAI,

Trade and Industry

From the inscriptions no idea of the extent of internal and exter*
nal trade is obtained. Load carrying comes for reference as a category
of forced labour. The word Bhotta used in the same context shows
that Nepal carried some kind of trade with Tibet. But other facts
do not come to light. The T’ang annals; say that the merchants were
numerous and cultivators rare. Nepal’s industry and trade must have
highly advanced to earn this kind of reference.

We have already made a passing reference to the trade routes,
either ways leading to Tibet or India. Quite possibly there were big
and small traders. One inscription records the erection of an image
of Sun God by a Sarthavaha of merchants whose name was Guhya-
niitra.’''*** Probably he was a leader of a band of traders who sent
their caravan to distant spots within Nepal and to neighbouring coun-
tries. Thus the existence of caravans negotiating the Indo-Nepalese
and Tibeto-Ncpalese highways are inferred.

For ^n idea of export and import trade of Nepal of those days,
the<«readcr’s attention is drawn to the lines following the quotation from
the T'ang annals, which appear as comment on the observation of the
Chinese about the subject under consideration.

Currency

In the Section above dealing with economic policy, we have
written a few lines about the currency of this period. Our inscriptions
give reckoning in four terms, (1) Karsapana'^b (3) Purana-"'*-, (3)
Pana""'^, and (4) Panapurana^'^b In one inscription we have Tamrika
Pana. But pana comes without any qualification in others. I^vi’s
XVI has an expression tasyardhanpraumuktam sim-kare ca yena
karsapanam deyan tenastau pana deya ycnastau pana deyam tena
panacatustayam. This clearly gives in reckoning the ratio between a
karsapana and pana, which is 1 Karsapana is twice eight panas.
Karsapana is another name of Purana, which was a silver coin. The
pana might have been also coined in silver. But whether Purana or
Pana, no trace of silver coinage is found. All coins of ancient Nepal

Sanskrit Sandesh, 1, 9, P. 29.

Gnoli, Ins. No. LVI, Levi. XVI.

XIII; Gnoli, Ins. Nos. XXXV, LXXIII. BGL, IS. Levi, Ins. No.
XIV, Gnali. Ins. Nos. XXXVI; XXXIL

13 of BGL; Gnoli, Ins. Nos. LXXIII, LXXXIII, Levi. Ins. No. XXL

LXXXIII.

Gnoli, Ins. Nos. XXXII, LVIII (Caturbhi tamrikapanah ) .

I’OIJ IICAL X: KCONOMIC CONOl HON

195

available up-to-date arc of copper. The panapurana is still an unknown
unit of currency.

The above does not give a full account of the currency position
of the country. But nevertheless this will sufficiently establish that
economic life in ancient Nepal was far advanced while it enjoyed
money economy and all that it meant in terms of industry and com-
merce.

APPENDIX I

Managriha, Kailasakutabhavana and Bhadradivasabhavana

Above, while speaking of inscriptions we noted thi*ee chanceries,
Managriha, Kailasakutabhavana and Bhadradivasabhavana from which
royal charters used to be issued.

Much has been said about these chanceries at respective places.
Here we intend tp discuss the problem of their location and identifica-
tion.

Attempts have been made to identify the site of the present royal
palace at Patan with Managriha.^ The site with the shopping centre
close by is otherwise known as Mangalbazar. In the i7th and 18th
centuries the Kings of Patan invariably addressed themselves with the
title of Maniggaladhipali, Lord of Maniggal.-

The infer, pnee is that the word Mangal in the name of Mangal-
bazar is deVived from Maniggal and both stand for the same site. L.
Petech thinks that gal is the apabhransa (corrupt form) of griha as
pronounced by the Newars. Further, according to him “Mani” or Mana
has the same root as, and is presumably connected with the goddess
Manesvari, who from the beginning to the end was placed in a special
relationship with the royal houses of Nepal”.'^ But we may accept
this statement not without serious objections. First of all, the word
gal can be an equivalent of griha, but today it means a pit and not a
house. The second syllable of the word is pronounced as ga e.g. names
of certain localities in the city of Kathmandu, like tangal, Yangal,
etc. Secondly, Maneswari came to be associated with the royal house
only since the time of Jayasthitimalla, and not since earlier. We do
not have any document with Manesvari as the deity of royal devotion,
which goes back to a period earlier than the 14th century. Thirdly,
the term Maniggaladhipati appears in documents only since the time
of Sivasinha (late 16th century), although Manigal standing for the name
of a locality is noticed about the middle of the 14th century.

It is true that Manigal came to bear the name of a locality within
Patan in the middle of the 14th century. L. Petech cites an ms. Gita-
govinda (Darb. Lib. IV. 45) bearing date NS 469=1349 A.D.), which
mentions Manigal. Later than this, another ms. of 499=1379 A.D.

^ Petech, Medieval History^ Pp. 199-20. Itihas Prakas, I, i, (last few pages) .
“ Sec later, vSivasinha’s Reign.

® Petech, Ibid,

APPENDIX

197

was written in a Patan monastery situated north of Manigwal.^ VIII
(f. 50 b) has for the year NS 467 an event noticed in the narrative. Thus
the antiquity of Manigal upto the early 14th century cannot be subjected
to doubts. But this by itself does not lead us very far in our search of
the old site of Managriha. We do not get any idea of location and iden-
titication of Managriha from Manigal’s stature and hoary medieval past.

One may easily take Mangal as another form of Manigal. Possibly
Mangal-bazar is the same as Manigal of the documents cited above.
But there is nothing to prove the identity of Manigal or Mangal with
Managriha and the latter being in Lalit Patan.

Because in the centuries while Managriha housed the chancery of
Nepal's Kings, there was no other locality as prosperous as Patan in the
valley we may as well attempt to locate the site somewhere in this city.
But for this more reliable data arc needed.

If Manigal was the same as ancient Managriha and modern Mangal
(bazar), then we need an explanation as to the fact of its having gone
out of notice for about seven centuries from the late 6th tt) the late
13th century. But ns no explanation is forthcoming, w& ix]^o find that
even a hazy memory of this chancery seems to have faded awa\^^ and
no tradition of its location had been in existence to enable one to
hazard speculation as to its identity."^

While the inscriptions were being unearthed and discovered for
the first time, the finds by accident belonged to quarters in the neigh-
bourhood of Pasupatj's shrine, and this led many to guess that the
site of Managraha lay somewhere in Deopatan, near tlje sanctuary
of PasupatinalJi. But beyond the evidence of this guess-work we
have nothing to establish the identity of any site in this area with Mana-
griha.

About Kailasakuiabhavana Levi and a few others (Nepalese writers)
have tried to idcniify the site within the present Harigaon. The basis
of their argument is an inscription of Amsuvarman traced in that loca-
lity. In it Amsuvarman was supposed to have addressed the citizens
of the adjoining area of Kailasakuta, which they thought was Harigaon
itself (Levi, HI, Ins. XIH and X1V).«

Pctech has his own version to offer in regard to the identification
of the site. The colophon of an Ms. Navagrahadasavichara (473 dvira-
sadha Krisna 3), which reads Sri Yangaladese Sri Kailasakuta — Vaja

* CPMDN, 1, p. I2r».

® Manigal is varioiisly spelt Manigwal (CPMC, P. 177) , Manigal (Vlll. f. .50 b) ,
Maniggal (later inscripiitms) Manigiil.

«GnoH, Ins. Nos. XXXV, XXXVI, Levi, III, Pp. 8,^*96. comments and footnotes.

198

ANCIENT NEPAL

(Vanisaja), he translates as ‘descended from the dynasty of Kailasa-
kuta in the district of Yangala, Patan ’ and says that the site ‘ was to
be looked for somewhere in the neighbourhood of Patan, and not near
Pasupatinath and Deo Patan’.”

It is true that we search in vain for any site in Harigaon or Deo
Patan to be identified with Kailasakula.” But w^e cannot also agree
with Petech about his interpretation of the expression in the colophon
of the above noted Ms. As w'c shall say later in the next volume the
name Yangala did never apply to Patan, which was called Yallai.
Yangala was a name applied to Kathmandu. Similarly, to interpret
Kailasakuta Vamsaja in a way to locate it in Yangala was carrying the
point loo far. It could at the most refer tlic expression to the
dynasty of Kailasakuta but the same w'ithout trying to explain where
it was and what it stood for. In the circumstances, it will not be
correct to say that ‘ alternance between Managriha and Kailasakuta-
bhavana seems to refer merely to changes of palace within Patan and
its neighbourhood.’ The actual site of Kailasakutabhavana has yet to
be located and^'identilied.

^There are three inscriptions issued from Bhadradibasabhavana.*'^
In two the date figures are read 95 and 103 respectively. These happen
to be the last inscriptions of Narendradeva recorded towards the end
of his reign. All the records of his successors are issued from Kailasa-
kutabhavana. The Bhadradibasabhavana appears to have been a stop
gap arrangement of a chancery for these dates. ^

We have no idea of its location. Even the remotest impression
of identification is lacking.

’ Petech, Op. Cit, P. 21)0. The ms. according to him is unpublishcch
* Bhagwanlal Indraji writes * Kailasakuta is at present the name of a large
mound about forty feet high situated to the north of Pasupati\s temple. It is a palace
mentioned in the inscrintions’ fn. to P. 8, Inscriptions from Nepal.

« Gnoli, Ins. Nos, LXXII, LXXIH, LXXIV; BGL, No. 13, Levi, No. XX.

APPENDIX 11

Caste in Ancient Nepal

With the Chronicles ascribing caste to Jayasthitimalla in the late
14th century, an impression has gained ground that the society in
ancient Nepal was absolutely casteless.

But it is not correct to say that castes did not exist in ancient Nepal.

Castes in Nepal are as ancient as its history. Its inscriptions and
foreign source materials have testified to the existence of castes in
Nepal as early as the 5th century A.D. and even earlier.

Yuan Chwang talks of a ksatriya dynasty ruling over Nepal, and
of numerous Brahmanas who pursued the calling of priests in the society.
They were so numerous, that the Chinese pilgrim could not have their
exact number.

Several inscriptions issued by Lichhavi rulers of the^ Pre-Amsu-
varman period, as well as those by the later Kings of the same dypasty
address the villagers and inhabitants as those led by Brahmanas {Brah-
mana purassaran)} The very first available inscription (i.e. of Mana-
deva, 386 Samvat) talks of Brahmanas to have received bountiful gifts
at the hands of the queen mother and the king.

This certainly prfsupposcs a society with a caste structure. Details
of the caste system are, however, not known from these records.

^ Gnoli, Ins. Nos. XII, XV. XIX.

APPENDIX III

On the Lichhavi Origin of the Riders

Although the chronicles except the Gopala Vamsavali do not haver
the expression Lichhavi used in relation to the ruling dynasty and give to
the same the name of Suryavamsi, the lineage claimed by the rulers in
inscriptions being Lichhavi there should be no dispute in regard to that
claim and the line of rulers who figure in these records must pass as the
Lichhavi dynasty. The Ciopala Vamsavali (F. 19a) speaks of the
Lichhavi dynasty of the solar race to have come to power after defeating
the Nepala Kiratas. But there is one point which has got to be clarified
in this connection. The three rulers, of the earlier inscriptions Mana-
deva, Vasantadeva and Ganadeva do not call themselves in the address
Lichhavi Kulaketu as do the others following them. We trace their
Lichhavi liqeaife from the inscription of Jayadeva 11 (No. 15 of BGL).
How#^s it that these rulers do not mention anything about their Lichhavi
origin, while their successors took pride in addressing themselves as
descendants of the Lichhavi family ? Was it a late realisation come
to the Lichhavi rulers after so many generations of rule? Or the rulers
of the later period had only arrogated to themselves the illustrious
lineage of the Lichhavi family just to enhance, their reputation and
status in the eyes of the world. We confront all these questions while
we deal with the subject of the genealogy of these rulers. But we have
got to be reconciled to the idea of accepting the Lichhavi genealogy
presented as such in the inscription for want of contrary evidence, even
though the claim of the rulers could be disputed.

There is one more puzzle. Manadeva gives a chronology of his
ancestors for three generations, but none others until Jayadeva II have
talked of their paternity. But for the information provided in the
inscription of Jayadeva II, the sketch of the family tree of the Lichhavis
we have drawn elsewhere in this volume would not have been there.
Obviously much of what we have argued above in this respect is an in-
ference, though based on certain data of the inscriptions.

We have an extract here from Sylvain Levi’s book ‘Nepal’ on the
origin of the Lichhavis, to which the attention of the readers is hereby
drawn :

“Here we are a good distance from the genealogy which the
inscription of Jaya Deva pompously displayed. The Buddhistic texts

APPENDIX

201

mention a particular legend on the origin of the family; the spouse of
the king of Banaras conceived a ball of flesh red as the flower ‘Kin’
(hibiscus), which she hastened to throw into the Ganges; a hermit
gathered it; fifteen days later, the ball divided in two after another
fortnight, each half produced five placentas. Another fifteen days
passed; one of the pieces then became a hoy, the other a girl. The
boy was of a yellow colour like that of gold; the girl was as white as
silver. By force of compassion, the fingers of the hermit metamor-
phosed into breasts and the milk went down the children’s throats as a
limpid water down a jewel Mani; as the refulgence was alike within
and without the hermit gave to the children the name of Lichhavi.
Other exegetics interpreted this by name by ‘thin skin’ or again ‘in the
same skin’ in memory of the origin of the two children. All these
explanations are based on a so-called popular or skilful etymology
which thought of recognizing in litc name of the Lichhavis the work
‘Chavi’ which signifies at the same time ‘skin' ‘colour’ and ‘reful-
gence’. The tale itself places in hand the work of a theme fairly
ordinary; thus it is that in the Maha Bharata (1.115) tht Itjindred sons
of Dhritaraslra are born from a ball of flesh which Gandhari, through
impatience, has prematurely rejected.

“The legend is thus mentioned in the dictionary of EKKE S. U.
Litchc, Li — I’che — pi, according to the Cheu — Tsoung — ki (or more
exactly the Seu — fan — lin — chou — cheu — . Tsoung — i — ki) glossary
on the commentary (Chou) of the Dharma Gupta — Vinaya (Sen-Fau-
lin) in ten or twenty Chapters by T’ ing pin. The sin-Tsi,-Tsang-King
in-i-Soei hau \os of ‘k’ o-houng preserved in the Korean collection and
printed in the Japanese edition of the Tripitaka (XXXIX. I — 5) gives
the same legend in a condensed form. An analogous legend drawn
fron) the texts of the south is found again in Spence Hardy, Manual of
Budifhism, P. 242. n. The story related by Fa-Hien in connection
with the ‘Tower of the bows and arms deposited’ at Vaicali. is evidently
only a variation of the same tradition: one of the wives of the king
amceives on the bank of the Ganges, a ball of flesh, which her rival
the first queen has had thrown into the water enclosed in a casket. A
king recovers the casket, opens it and finds within a thousand children,
he brings them up. Once they grew big they invaded the kingdom of
their father. But their mother, to make herself recognizable to them
and to stop their invasion, climbs to the top of a pavilion, squeezes
her breasts and thereby causes the outflow of a thousand spirits of
milk which fall into the mouths of her thousand children (trans, Re-
musat, Ch. XXV),

202

ANCIEN r NEPAL

“According to the Tibet-is-che Lebans beschreibung cakyamunis
ot' Schicfner mentioned in Korm (Buddhismus, trans, Jacobi, P. 312)
the ancestor of the Lichhavis as well as those of the Mallas was a
grandson of Virudhada named Vasisthar.” (Levi, II, Pp. 87-89).

Levi quotes (Vol. ill, Pp. 181-85) with his own comment the
relevant passage of the Mulasarvastivadavinaya as it applies to Nepal,
and this is reproduced here for our benefit.

Mulasarvativadavinaya, Chap. 21 (16th naihasargika) ed. of

Tokyo, XVI. 8,9,100 b.

“The Buddha dwelt at Cravasti in the Jetavana the part of

Anathapindika The bhiksus seeing a troop of men moving

towards Nepal (Nipo-lo) asked them ‘who are you’? They replied
‘we are proceeding towards Nepal.’ The bhiksus said to them :
‘Wc wish to follow the same route; it is like the back of a camel. You
could not possibly be rejoicing to proceed thither.’ The bhiksus replied:
‘We are going together to find out about this country’. — ‘Wise men
if such be the case you can come along with us’. They continued their
journey wit^r the merchants and in the end they reached this kingdom.
The bhiksus found no pleasure there. As early as the next day they
proceeded to the market to rejoin the merchants and they asked them
‘When do you wish to return to your country?’ The merchants re-
plied: Why now? Is it because you find no pleasure here? ‘The bhiksus
replied, ‘We are newcomers, and today we do not feel well.’ The
merchants then said; ‘as long as we have not exchanged our goods there
can be no (alk of returning. We have friends who are desirous of
returning to the central country (Madhyadeca); ‘we only have to request
them and they will keep you company on the return journey.’ The
bhiksus replied: “Perfect Goal bargain’. In Nepal there are two kinds
of cheap goods; v/ood and orpiment (hioung-hoang). And then the
merchants having bought wool in large quantities loaded their chariots
with it and left. And the troop of bhiksus journeyed with them

Another section of the same Vinaya, the Sarva-vastu also provides a
reference to Nepal.

Mulasarvastivadavinaya, XVII, 4, P. Ill b col. 9.

“In these days the son of king Mal-ne (Virudhaka), as a result of
his frenzy massacred the race of the Cakyas of Kapilavastu. There-
upon the town was deserted some fleeing towards the west; others left
for Nepal. Those who entered Nepal were all the parents of the
ayusmat Ananda. And later merchants of Cravasti having taken goods
proceeded towards Nepal. The Cakyas having seen the merchants

APPENDIX

203

asked them, 'We are now sullering the terror of death. The ayusmat
Ananda, why does he not come and see where we are.’ The mer-
chants thought about it all and having finished their business they re-
turned to Cravasti and they said to Ananda. The parents of the
venerable who are established in Nepal make you hear this' and the
venerable Ananda having heard the words that the merchants con-
veyed to him, was moved and afflicted and he proceeded to the king-
dom of Nepal. This kingdom is cold and snowy. Ananda got chapt
on his hands and feet. And then he returned to Cravasti. The bhiksus
having seen him asked him, ‘O, Ananda, at one tinte our hands were
as smooth and even as the tongue. Why then are they now rough and
chapped’? ‘He answered: in the kingdom of Nepal the soil neigh-
bours on the Himalayas. As a result of the wind and snov/, I have
my feet and hands in this state'. Thereupon, they asked him. ‘Your
parents, yonder how do they live?' He replied, ‘They wear pou-la
(pila).’ They asked him, ‘And why do you not wear them also?’ He
replied: ‘The Buddha has not yet allowed to wear any.' And then
the bhiksus went to inlcrrogatc the Buddha. The Blidijha said to
them: in cold and snowy countries’ pou-la can be worn.’ •

We conclude with another note on the subject by the same author,
which will add more facts to the abo.v€.

“1. The word poula is found (under the transcription fou-lo) in
the chan-kien p’i-p’o-cha abbreviated translation of the commentary of
Buddhaghosa on the Suttavibhanga of the Vinaya pali (Jap. ed. XVII,
8 p. 89 a col. 20). Treating on the Sekhiya the author adds two
rules “They are ‘wanting he says in the Indian original. The first one
refers to the stupas. 1'he case being that when the Buddha was in the
world, there were no stupas as yet. But the Buddha when he was
in the world has prescribed this rule. As a result of which no sandals
must be worn when entering a stupa of the Buddha; they must be carried
in the hand when entering a stupa of the Buddha and the fou-lo must
not be worn when entering a stupa of tlie Buddha; the fou-lo must
be carried in the hand when entering a stupa of the Buddha.”

“Yi-tsing mentions the ‘pu-la’ in recalling this rule in his ‘Non-

hai ki koiiel’ at the end of chapter 1 1 (Key Takakusu. A Record

of Buddhist Practices P. 22 and the note P. 218).

‘The ‘yi-ts’u king yiu-yi’ of Hiuen-hing in chap — 17 comments
upon the word fou-la. ‘one still saus (fou-la). The form is pou-lo.
This signifies ‘low hoots’.

“The original Sanskrit term pula is found again in the Rudrayana
avadana (Divyavadana XXXVII) which is borrowed from the Mula

204

ANCIENT NEPAL

Sarvastivada Vinaya. Maha Katyayana on returning from a circuit
in the North-West, reaches the banks of the Indus. He soliloquised
‘Bhagavat has said that in the Madhyadeca one must wear pula. I am
going to give them (to the divinity of the North who is asking for a re-
lic)’. He presented them to the divinity. He placed them on a raised
site (the word sthandila is translated by ‘kai Choang techeu ti’ raised
spot and exposed to view) and erected a mast (lat-tchi-yasti) called
pylayasti (pou-lo-lai-chi). This is then the way to restore the text,
spoiled in all the manuscripts (Divyav, P. 581, 1, 9 — Jap XVI, 9, 98
col. 19-20).

“Recently T made an inventory of the second of these texts in my
article on the elements of formation of the Divyavadana (T’oung-pss,
1907, P. 113) in connection with the epoch in which the Vinaya of the
School of Mula-sarvastivada could have been compiled. I did not
then dare to build much hope on this datum; inserted at the end of
a section of the Vinaya, it risked being considered a late addition,
introduced by interested monks in the account translated by Yi-tsing.
But the epjsode relative to the traffic of wool cannot lend itself to
simili^r suspicions. Jt is part of one of the fundamental inscriptions
and is found in the very middle of the column that pre-eminently consti-
tutes the Vinaya. Thus so long as no anterior of the Guptas is found
in which Nepal is alluded to it will be permissible to believe that the
Vinaya in question has only received its definitive arrangement after
the third century. 1 fairly believe that the work was executed in Nepal
herself. A, monk from the plains would probably not have voluntarily
admitted that the mountaineers belonged to the family* of Ananda and
to the blood of the Cakyas. The selection of the Vinayas of the other
schools in the Tibetan collection seems also to attest the marked favour
this Vinaya enjoyed in the Himalayan regions. In any case the two
episodes are connected to an epoch during which a through commer-
cial exchange was placed in regular relations with the plain.”*

' Levi, in. fn. to P. 183.

APPENDIX IV

Asoka & Nepal

The Ceylonese Pali chronicles, the Mahavanisa and Dipavamsa,
do not at all mention Nepal while narrating the story of Asoka’s life and
career. Every detail of his pilgrimage is noted in either treatises. There
is no reason for the omission of Nepal in these if he had ever gone there.
As for his daughter Charumati, this name also seems to be just coined
by the Nepalese chronicle while weaving the tale of his visit to the valley,
for no daughter of his has come in for notice in his records either in
edicts or in inscriptions.

■ Nepal has been often marked in the historical map of India within
Asoka’s empire. But the representation of Nepal as a part of his empire
was suggested as a corollary to the event of his visit to the valley. Wc
have, however, to view the entire question of Nepal’s bejng a feudatory
of Asoka in the light of what wc have said earlier about his* visit to this
country. *

One may argue that if Nepal was then independent it must have
surely figured in the list of anla and pmtyanta countries as given in Rock
Edicts Nos. 5 and 13. But in tlie consideration of the very complicated
question of determining the extent of Asoka’s empire one has to admit
that the enumcratiorf is inconclusive and incomplete. Otherwise we
shall have to dismiss the very existence of many areas such ns those now
occupied by Nepal and some states in Western and Eastern Himalayas.

This position we cannot simply accept. At least half a century
earlier to Asoka’s birth Kautilya talks of Nepalese blankets. Obviously
this presupposes a country of that name.

On any consideration it looks most unlikely that Asoka had at any
time visited the Valley of Nepal and could impose his suzerainty over this
country. Any suggestion leading to the acceptance of the old thesis
will be absolutely imaginative.

INDEX

Al)lia\rniiall;i~51i.

Abori^i no-Mongol - lli.

A(lil>a Sciia-Hj2. ir>, IG:b lOO.
Aliir-r>7, 50, (K), 89, 110, 117, 141, 143.
Ahirgupt;i— 101 .

Ahiri-llO. 11‘1.

A-ki-po-li~-170, 177.

Aki-po ni — 170.

Ani.siivaiinnn™r)7, 75. 77. 78, 79, 80n.
82, 83, 85, 87, 88. 89, 00, 91, 03, 97,
100, 101, 113, 115, no, 117, 118, 119.

120, 121. 122, 123, 121, 125, 120, 127,

128n, 120, 130, 131, 132. 133, 1.35.
1.30, 137, 1,38, 139, MO. Ml. M2, M3.

Ml, M.5, MO, M7, 148. \ \\), 150. 15^

152, 153, 151, 155, 157. 158n. 101.
103, 104, 100, 107, 175, 181, 183. 181.
185, ISO 192. 197,

AniiTi(ia~I20, 202, 203, 204.

An (lin nnno--121.

Anklic Pokliri— 170.

A-ni-k(» '"51 , 52, 53.

Anka—OO.

Arjuna-17. 158.

Ar:iniu(ii~109, 170, 171, 172.
Aisi.'inaii— 19.

Arii!j)sasir,j (of Kaiitilya) -55. 109.

IShn.

Arnn - 00.

Arnnasv ,i--158.

Arundhaii— 105. ,

AiTa Si<l(i!ianta— 125, 129.

Asoka -15, 22, 21, 29, 42, 02. G3n. 07,
08. 70. 108, KHl.nU. 1 17, 105, 205.
Alisa— 17! .

Atbuknarain— 50.

Ausiroitl— 1(5, 20, 04, 05.
Ansfro-Mt'dilfiranran— 1 0.
Avalokiteswara— 150, 101 .

Ayodhya-57. 71. 139n.

Bagniaii-11, 20, 22, 50, 0^.

Bakataka— 08, 09, 72.

Balambu— 114, 164.

Balaturgh— lS2u,

Bali-50.

Balkh-19.

Balpo—120.

Banabliatta— 122.

Banepa>kuti (route)— 42, 158, 182.
Banerji, Dr. J. N,— llOn.

Banerji, R. 122n, 124.

Banerji-Shastri, A.P.-~175n.

Banala and Badva Yupa (Inscriptions)
—11 In.

Barua. B.M.-I7n.

Ba.sak, Dr. R. G.-83, 88, 92n, 12ln,
133n, 1.35n, M9. 150, 106, 108.
Basantdcvo— 78.

Basud(’\ arinan— 77.

Basuflulta— 77.

! Hatsaka-yo.

I Hauil(ll)a- 43 . 41 . 45 .

I Banddhanath - 15 .

j Bc:il- 2 . 5 n, 121 . TJOn. 134 n.

I Bcndall C(‘(il- 5 l, 55 n, 81 , 91 , 93 , 91 ,

j 99 . 122 n. 121 . 128 . 130 , 133 , 1 , 35 . 139 ,
i M 2 , M 3 n. l.> 9 n. 102 n, 169 n, lOOn.

; Ik-ltiah-Ml.

Bhagadatta (Kinpcror of the IVagjou-
iba) -17.

Bhadiadiv:iNabha\ana— 100 , 190 . 198 .
Bhakiania- 90 .

Bharadia ja— 102 . 103 .

Bhavasiva— ()S.

Fibarasiva kinga - 19 .

; liljar.Ha — 5r».

Bliara\i— 17 . ,

Bljanill^- 30.

Uhaskarx arinan - 00 . 09 n. 71 , lT 7 .
r»baigaon- 20 , 21 , - 15 . 40 , 48 , 50 , 99 ,
105 .

• Bhaigaon P.dacc— * 18 .

Bliauniagiipta— 1 1 3 , IM, 115 , 1 10 , 117 ,
118 , 119 .

Bheri— Karnali ((bnib) ~ 17 l.

Bhils- 11 , 33 .

Bhilsa-OOn.

BhinKi—17. •

Bhiinadcva \ ariiian— 78,
Blimiariunadeva-112, 128, 148. 149.
154, 155.

Bhinuliiunga (liill) — 44 .

Bhogadcvi— 153 .

Bl^oga^ anna— 134 , 153 , 103 , 100 .
JilMJgavannagoini— 153 .

Bhogini, Sri— 91 .

Bbuliyas— 45.

Bhona-87.

Bhrikiiti-al, 120, 155, 156, 157.
Rhugupta-1 17.

Bhuiiiagu[)ta— 1 13.

Bbiimigupta-113, 117, 147, 148, 1.59.
Bbumivarinaii— 60, 72, 77.

Botlbisatva— 4 4, 40, 59, 68.

Brahiniina— 00, 61, 105, 106, 134, 146,
163, 184, 199.

Briliat Kathamanjari— 56.

Brihatkaiha Paichasi— 56.

Brishadeva— 78.

Brishadcvavarman— 78.

Brishvarman— 77.

British Musucm— 79,

208

INDEX

Buddha -lO, 20. -13, 41, 45. 50. 56. 62,
120, 127n, 146, 167. I73n, 175, 177,
20.3.

Buck! Iiagliosii— 20.3.

Buddha Kasyaj>a~45. 120.
Buddhanilakantha- 50.

Buhkr, G.-Sln, 111, 122n. 139, lUu.
Biingmati— 45, 133. 116.

Burma- -51, 170, 181.

Ca p u ch i !i Ea t h rs —25 .

C:rylon-29. 51, .59, 181.

COiampiu'an—1 18.

C’iuindalas— 19.

( '/harideswa ra— 1 49.

C'ihaiidra— 50.

(Oiandra Gujda 1-71. 72, «6n.

C handra (;upta H-69. 72. 91n.

( .handrasena— 71 .

C 3jandravan.’*iv- 59n, 65.
Ghandravarnian— 66, 77, 111.

COiangu— 84. 104.

(’.hangunaravan— 10, 48, 50, 72, 81, 94,
95, 96. 97, 107. 118.

C’.haruniaii— 205.

C:ha.sahal 165.

C4icu-'> 4 \song"Ki— 201 .

Cihhinnainasiika (tcinjilc) —118.
COiihahal— 43, 46.

( Julata~19.

G.hi-li-Nalien-to-lo (Sri Narcndru dc'o)
-178.

C hina- 10. 27. 42, 48, 51. 52. 82. 125,

135, 1.56, 1.58. 160, 162n. 179. 182.

C hobhar-45, .59.

C:ina-I7, 18.

C;iva Deva 1—94.

Cx)omaraswaiTiy , Dr.— 5 1 .

Cainningham— 67n, 121n, 122n, 124n,

136, 140n, 143n.

Dailckh-107.

Dardisian— 19.

Das, Sarat chandra— 18, 156n.
Dattatraya— 48.

Daitalrcya — 10.

Davids, Rhys. Mrs.— 25n.

Deopatan-21, 114, 158, 160, 197, 198.
Desiivannmagomi— 153.

Devabhajus— 32.

Dharmadeva-76, 84, 86, 98, 104, 112,
150, 162, 166.

Dharamditta (king of Kanchi) .—59.
Dharampur— 99.

Dh ri tarastra— 20 1 .

Dhriivadeva-90, 92, 112, 135, 148, 149,
150, 153, 1.54, 155.

Dikshit, Sh.B.-95, 97.

Dionysiaka— 19.

Dipankar Buddha— 49.

Dipaxamsa- 205.
niv>a\adana-203, 204.

Dolahri-lOl.

Dor jee - 45.
l)<)f=a— 18,

I)ravida-16. 26. 27. 29. 64.
Dravidiaiis-1 !. 16, 20. 23, 65.
l)ra\it!t)— Aiistroid- 11.

Dudb Kosi— 6]n. 14!>.
nulung-21.

Duuprung— 21 .

Durbar .Square - 40, 48.

Dvvairajya— 7 4, 75.

EttiiigSuni'scii, \I.— 122n. 12.3n.

ra-lucn-8.3. 201.

Fang— Koang la tchoang Yen king-18.
Fa— ^ oiicn— 1( hon - Hr— 175ti.

Fergusson — 179.

Meet, Dr.-8.3. 86, 87. 88. 89. 92. 95.
Il7n, 121n, 127, 1.31, 135. 136. I39n,
140, 149. 150, 1.58n, 165. 186n, I89n.
]91n.

lU vt. M.-94, 97.

Fo-pcn lling- Fri-King- 18.

Ci.

C.anadcva-78, 80, 82, 83. 81. 89. 92, 98,
112, 113, 111, 116. 118, 119, 1.53, 200.
C,auda-.59. HiO. 167.

Gamlak-20, 61, 62, 64. 106, 107. 126n,
14.3, 169. 171. 172.

C»andaki— 106.

Ciandhara— 61.

Crandhari— 201.

C;angcs-12. 18, 19. 123, 201.

Cianuia— 181.

Garuda— 50, 72.

Ghania Kama— 35.

Ciitagovinda— 196.

Gnoli, R-56n, 81. 87, 88n, 94, 11.3n,
114, 115, 116, 117n, 118n. 119n, 128n,
1.35n. 141n, 148, 149n, 151, 153, 154,
155, 158n, 159. 161, 162n, 164, 165,
183n, 184, 186n, 187n, 188, 189n,
190, 191, 192. 193n, 194n, 197n, 198n.
<]k)-cha-126. 151.

Ciodavari— 123, 176.

C5<jlmadhitol-94, 99, 100, 101.
Ck)ndapharnes— 111.

C^opala RajvamsavaU— 55n, 65.
Gorkha— 127n.

Gotlihawa— 6ln.

Gugi— 126.

INDEX

209

Guhyamitra—19i.

(kmadya— 56.

(iiinakamadcva— 69, 93.

(iiiria Kamadeva Varma— 78.
(iunanka--85, 90.

(ill II Vihara— 21.

Giirung.s— II. 2In.

Hamilton— 57n, 60.

Haradatta— 77n.

Hanlv, Spence— 201.

Harigaon-50, 132. 197, 198.
Harisena— 72.

Harisidhi— 45.

Hari varma— 77.

Harivarman— 77.

Harsa-118, 121. 122. 123. 121. 144.

1.58, 163, 164, 165.

Harsji tharitani— 122. 123.
Harsagiipta~l 17.

Harsa Sihuliiya— 158.

Har.sliavardliana — 1.38, 144. 158.
Hasiang— 52n.

Hicu— King— 1 75 .

Hinayana-71. 120. 131.

Hindu-21. 34, II, 55, 127, 14.5, 146.
Hiuen 1 sang— 2(>, 4!l, 57, 82. 83, 100,
120, 121, 134.

Hixlgson— 24n.

Hocrnle— 122n.

Hor-12G.

Hsuang sheng (hang— 182n.

Hneng Valley— 10,

1 .

ltldiakn-19.

Iksvakn -26.

Imperial (iupta— 116.

Indo-Bactrian— J 1 1.

Indo-Chinese— 24 n
Indo-Mongol-32. 109.
Iiulo-Mongoloid— 1 1, 12, 61, 64. 172
I ndo-Tibetan— 31 .

Indraji, Dr. Bhagwanlal— 66n, 77n, 81
83, 84, 88, 92. 94, 121n. 123. 134,. 140,
149, 150. 1.59, 165, 188, I89n. I98n.
Isanavarman— 107.

Isvara- Varman— 1 07.

Tthihasprakash— 63, 61.

I- using— 56.

J-

Jayadeva-90. 94, 112, 154. 159, 164,
165, 166, 172, 174. 200.

Jayadeva 1-66, 67. 69. 92, 93, 166.
Jayadeva 11-76, 82. 83. 84, 88, 119,
122, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 160,
167, 168, 172, 200.

Jayagupta— 116.

J-ayagupta 11—117, 118.

Jayapida— 168, 169, 170, 171. 172.
Jayasthitimalla— 196.

Jayaswal, Dr. K. P.-25, 30, 60, 63n, 66,
67, 68, 71, 73. 74, 75, 76. 77n. 79,
8.3, 85, 86, 87n. 89, 116, 117, 121,
12.5, 128, 132, 131, 135. 136n, 150,
166n, 169n, 182-
Java varman— 66, 69. 77. 81.
jeestvarman— 77.
jiinntavidjana— 102.

Jisiui-85, 149, 1.50, 151, 161.
jisnugupta— 79, 89, 113. 114, 117, 118
124. 128, 129, 132. 135, 139. 140,
141, 147, 148, 149, 150. 151. 152, 153
1.54, 155, 101, 18S.

|ivita Gupta 1—107.

Julien, M.-12.3, 124, 13 In. 135. 158n.
Jiinagarh— 122n.

|ii\iska— 91 .
jNapii-37, 38.
j vc»ti varman— 1 26.

Kadphises 1—67.

Kad pluses 11-67.

Kaikeya— 61.

Rai1asakuta-87, 149, 151, 154, 164, 179.
197, 198.

Kailasakutabhavana— 159, 160, 164, 196,
197, 198.

Kaivartas— 19.

Kakavannan— 66, 69.

Kala Gandaka— 170.

Kalliana-19, 168. 169, 171. 172.

Kali (river)— 171.

K a li ga ndaki — 1 69.

Kaliyuga— 57, 00.

Kamala— 90.

Kainrupa— 17, 56, 158n.

Kanauj— 158.

Kandii— 59.

Kapilavastu— 22, 46, 61, 62. 83, 202.
Kansu-1 82n.

Karkotanaga— 1 69n .

Karnali— 171 .

Karnikara— 17.

Karusa— 17.

Kashmir-19, 168, 170, 172. 180, 181.
Kasaintole— 160.

Kasi-27. 28. 61.

Kathasaritsagora— 56.

Kathesimbhu— 45.

Katung— 21.

Katyayana’s Srauta Sutra— 27.

Kauiniidi Mahotsva— 71.

Kautilya~24, 25, 26, 28, 55, 109, 193.
205.

Kerroung Pass— 158.

Kharostra— 19,

210

INDEX

Kharosthi— 15.

Kharostri~19.

Khasa~-26, 27, 107, 137, 171.

Khat Bhotiyas~(>0.

Khenam~-2l.

Khepung-~21.

Khopasi-99, 187.

Khripung— 21

Khya (Devil) ~20. 30.

Ki-lo-to-18.

Kirata->-13, 14, 16, 17. 18. 19, 20, 21,
22, 23, 20, 27, 28. 30, 50. 59. 00. 61,

62, 63, 64. 65, 66, 67, 68. 69, 89, 90.
91, 92, 97, 103, 108, 109. 1 10, 143, 200.

Kiratadesa— 22, 60, 61.

Kirati-~13, 22, 21. 25, 109.
Kiratarjuniya— 17.

Kirkpatrick (capt.) —46, 55n, 57n, 62.

63, 64, 65, 66, 69, 77, 117, 127, 131n,
142n, 147, 149.

Kirtipur— 42.

Kirtivarman— 152.

Kisipidi— 96, 139.

KisnugupU— 147.

Kols-ll, 33.

Kosala— 61, 62. ,

Kosi-20.

Krak;".chhanda— 120.

Kramalilah-113, 114, 117, 118.
Kri-Sron-Ide-bi tsan— 1 68.

Ksatriya— 25, 20, 27, 28, 37, 65, 105,
109, 134, 137, 138, 167, 171, 199. ’
Ksemasundari— 84, 1 1 8.

Ksemendra— 56.

Kublai Khan, Emperor— 51, 52.
Kulaketu-84, 115, 155, 137, 200.
Kulung-62. ^

Kumaon— 171*.

Kumaramatya Priyajivali— 160.
Kumaradevi, Sri— 7 In.

Kumara Gupta B— 85.

Kumaristhan— 50.

Kuril— 26, 61.

Kurudesa— 61.

Kushan-40, 67, 68. 69. 85, 91, 111.
Kuvera— 30.

Kuveravaraman— 66, 69, 77.

Ladakh-126, 156n.
liagon— 45.

Langantole— 161.

Laghan Tanda— 43.
l^ajimpat— 50, 107.

Lalitaballabh (poet) —25.

Lalit Patan— 197.

Lalita-Vistara— 18.

Landon, P.— 169n.

Lauhitya— 17.

Lauria Nandangarh^lOO,

Laiitsa-180.

Law, B.C.-25n, 80n, 83n, 107ii.

Lazimpat (stone Inscription) —119.

Leipzig— 91.

Lepcha— 24n.

Levi, M.-92, 116, 121.

Levi, Sylvain-17, 19, 21, 24, 2.5, 30,
49, 55n, 56, 57n, 61n, 62. 63. 64, 66,
73. 77n, 78, 81, 83, 85, 88, 89, 91, 92,
93, 94, 96, 99. 101, 102, 103, 106,
107n, 114, 11.5, 116, 117n, 118n, 119n,
120, 121n, 122n, 123, 124, 125, 126,
127, 128, 129. 131n, 132, 133n, 135,
139, 142, 143n. 14.5n. 147, 148, 153.
158, 163n, 164, 167, 168, 169, 175, 176,
177, 178, 184, 185n, 186n, 187, 189,
190n. 192, 194n. 197, 200, 202.

Lichhavi-13, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28,

29, 30, 31, 33, 40, 49, 62, 63. 65, 66,

67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 81,

84. 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 97,

98. 101, 103, 106, 107, 110, 112, 11.3,
115, 116, 117, 119, 122. 128, 129,
130, 131, 132n, 134, 135, 136n, 137,
139. 141, 142, 146, 147, 148, 149,
150, 151, 152. 153, 154, 15.5, 1.58, 159,
JGO, 162. 163, 166, 168, 172. 173, 174,
19<), 200, 201.

Lha-gcig— 126.

Lichhavisksatriya— 2().

Ligam — 19.

Li-l*Piao-128, 158, 177.

Limbus— 24n,

Li-tchi-Po-134.

Loka-kala-127.

Lokanath— 161.

Ix)kcsvara— 34n, 100, 161.

Lumbini-22, 61n, 83. 108, 109.

Madhyadesa— 22, 202, 205.

Madra— 61 .

Magadha-22, 67. 71. 72. 158, 166, 181.

Magar-14, 170. 171, 172. .

Magara— 24n.

Magarat— 171.

Mahabauddha— 45, 46.

Mahabharta-lO, 17, 30, 31, 40, 56. 60,
61, 201.

Mahakali— 35.

Mahaksa trapa— 1 39n .

Mahankal— 34n, 48.

Maha parinibbhana Sutta— 26.

Mahasamanta— 92, 113, 114, 115, 116,
12L 131, 132, 133, 138, 139, 140, 149.

Mahavamsa— 205.

Mahayaiia-30, 54n, 43, 120, 133* 134,
H8n, 167, 181.

Mahideva-80, 84, 98, 112, 113, 166,
Maithil-S2.

Maithili-S9,

Majhimanikaya«*61n,

INDEX

211

Majumdar, Dr, R. C.—SOn, 83, 8Rn, 99,
107.

Majumdar Sastri, S.N.—lRii.

Malla-23, 25. 31, 32, 33, 40, 48, 75,
100, 107, 202.

Mallapuri—lOO, 107.

Maligaon— 149, 188.

Manadcva-08, 09, 73. 70, 78, 79, 83,
S4, 86, 8!>, 90, 92, 93, 91, 90. 97, 98,
103, 104, 100, 107. 108, 109, 110, 111,
112. 113, 110, 117, 118. 119, 118, 1.50,
151, 100, 109 200.

Manadcva 1-73. 85. 90, 91.

Manadeva 11,-93, 91, 117, 119.
Manadcva III— 150.

Manadcva \’arma- 78.

Mariagraha— 197.

Managriha-84, HO. 132, 135. 148, 149,
151, 1.54. 101, 179, 190, 197, 198.
Mananka— 85, 90, 91, 173n.

Mafuksar (in.st vij)ti()n) —124.
Mangalbazai ™190.

Manigupla— 1 17.

Manigwal— 197.

Man jusri Mulakalpatara -0.5.
Manjusrilanlia - 1 18.

Manipiiri— 32.

Man u— 26. 27.

Manusmuti— 21.

Matalirtha (dynasty) —59.

Matsya— 01.

Malsycndranath— -18, 100, 101.
Maurva-~40, 08.

Manryan-13, 22, 182.

McCrindle, J.Wk— IHn. 19.
Me.kha-Jya-127.

Menander- 11 In.

Mi-le-P’ou Sa (Maiirc)a
liodhi.sattva) 17f>.

Minak— 120.

Minanath Patan Ins; ri[nion— 105.
Minanarayan \tharU'r) —119.
Ming-hocn (Pr<mi])i lutclligcmcc) — 53.
Milhila-.32.

Mlechlia-89, 00, M2. 1.50, 107.

Moko Gakulio il 52n.

Manahan— 6.3n, I58n.

Mongol-16, 27, 28, 33. 38.

Mongoloid— 20, 23. 25,

Mrigasthali— 03n.

Minlra— 34.

Muklierji, Ratllia Kinnud— 71n.
Miilasarvastivada-\4nnya— 56, 120, 202,
204.

Mustang— 126n.

Nadina-49, 68.

Naga-175, 170.

Nagarjimakonda— 19.

Nagbahal— 45.

Naiincni— 31.

Nair-31.

Nakuhi~l7.

Nalanda— 118, 144, H8n.

Naling-li-po (Narendradeva) — 177, 179.
Na-lini'fam(>~124.

Nandas (Dynasty) —08.

Naiida) upa— 1 1 1 n.

Nara da -Bharad va ja— 1 02 .

Naravarman— 1 19.

Nan ndradeva— SOn, 80. 87. 88, 89. 91,
124n, 120. 128, 129, 130, 131. 135,
150, 1.54, 158. 159, 100, 101, 102. 163,
HH, J05n, 100. 177, 180. 188, 198.
Narendradeva, Lichchavi KidakeUi— 82.
Narendradeva \'arma or Narendra-
deva Varman— 78.

Nawakot— 122.

Ncolilliic culture— 14.

N coil tl 1 ic N epa 1 esc— i 5 .

Nepa— 25.

NepaIa-56, 59, 143, 149.

Nepa lade.sha— 50.

Nepal Mahalinva -55, 143.

Ncpara-25. 31.'

Negroid— 23,

Ncrni— .59,

Neininite- 59.

Nemuni— 21.

Nevara— 24n.

Ne\var-12. 10. 17. 20, 21. 22, 23, 24.
. 25. 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36,
37, 38, 39. 40. 41, 42. 45, 60, 02, 64,
05. 190.

Newari-I5, 21, 22. 23, 29, 32, 34. 35,
30. 27. 28, 39, 41, 44, 02, 04, 180, 182.
Nithhivi— ()9.

Niglihaba-22, 01 n.

Nikaya— 01.

Niniisha— 09.

Niinishi— 31, 09.

Niiinund (plate)— 138.

Nripadeva— 160,

N\atpc)la (tempi'.) —47. 18, 50.

Padmasambhava--181 .

Pahlavas— 17.

Pa-K’o Sc-pa (phags pa) — .52.

Pala-50. 51,

Pa-Ic-pou— 52,

Palpa-107, 12rm, 109n, 171.

Panauti— 123.

Pandiala-61. 122, 123.
Pand)alika-122, 123, 186.

Pandavas— 17.

Pande— 102n,

Panini— 26, 131.

Pannikar— 122n.

Paramaragupia— 90. 117.

Parker— 1 62n.

INDEX

Pashupati (giant) —101.
Pashupatinath^ 34n, 18, 50, 08, 69, 173,
197, 198.

Pasupadcva 70.

Pa .sii pa 11—45. 49. OOn, 08, 09. 70, 107,
132, 133, M3n, 140, 148 149, 150.
164, 172. 173, 197.

Pasnparcklia— 50,

Pasinxirckhailcva— 68, 09.

Patan-42, ^5, 10, 48. .50, 02, 133, 148,
100. 165, 176, 196, 197, 198.
Paiali-putra - 55, 03n, 07, 08, lOG, 107.
Pawapuri— 31 .

Peking— 52n.

Peri pi us— 18,

Peshwati (period) —70.

Petch, L.-52n. 102, 156. 19(i. 197, 198.
Phiring— 21,

Ph niche Taiula - 43.

Pimbahil— 42, 15.

Pi prawn — 12.

Pires. E.\.-I23n.

Piuthan— 107.

Oono-to-ton— 175.

P*ou-Yco (King)— 18.
I’rahhakaravarnian— 77n.

Prabhavarmap - l‘20,

Pragjoiuisa- 17.

Prakntma—

Pratapamalla— 45.

Pray ag- 123.

Pre-Aryan~27. ♦

Pre-Dravidian— 23.

Pro- Mongoloid— 20 , 01.

Prinsep— 127n.

Ptolemee— 18.

Pulcbok— 45.

Pulinda-'17. •

P 1 1 n dra vard ha n a — 7 1 .

Punjab— 19.

Purana-21, 22, .55, 58, 60, 108, 133.
Pushavaranian— 69n.

Pu.ska— 63n.

Ihisparekha— 60.

Ihisyamitra Sunga-139.

Pusyia Sena— 138,

R agha v a dc\ a— 1 52,

Ragh uvamsa— 1 ()8n .

Rajasura Sen— 153,

Rajatarangini— 19, 108, 109, 170, 191n.
Rajyavati-104, 106, 107, 110.
Ramadcva-83, 112, 114, 117, 118, 161.
Rama Silvarta— 153.

Ramay— 17, 18.

Ramayana— 17, 25, 30, 60, 6In.
Rampurva— 109,

Rana (Regime) —38.

Ranipokhari— 50.

Ranjana— 39.

Rao. 'r.X.G.-llOn.

Rapsou— 67n. 91, 185n.

Ratna.sangba— 1 19.

Ratnesvar— 1 19,

Ravi Giipta-8t, 113, 114, 118, 139.
Raxaul— 1 17.

Ray, Dr. H. C.-I21n. i 18, lG3n.

Ray Cbaiidlniri, Dr.— 25, 61, 182.
Rgval-rabs— I8I.

Ridi-169.

RigA'cda— 19.

Risbika-123.

R(KkhilI 2.5n. 150n, 181.
RiKliadaman— 1 1 1, I39ii.
Rudrayana-avadana— 203.

Sai\a (fUpta— 69.

.Sai\o Ikiddhist— 22.

Sni\iie~21, 29. 33, 34, 35. 44. 49.
Saka-130.

Saka-Pahlava— 1 1 1.

Sakcla-71.

Sakya-61, 202.

Sakyabhiksii —29.

Sakyamuni— 109n. 120.
iSakya^ ik.sii— 37.

Sainanta— 113. 115. 124, 141.
•Samanta-Ciiipta— 1 13.

Samhita, \5ijasaneyi -17.

Sannulra Gupta -71. 72. 76.

Sam udra .Sena— 1 38.

.Sanatani Hindu— 32, 33.

Sanchi— 19, 30.

.Sanga-20. 59^ 73, 133, 136, 145.
SankarachaiTa — 70.

Sankaradeva (King. .Son of Vrsadrva)
-70, 84. 98. 104, i.\2, 166, 173.
.Sankhu-34n, 45, 117.

Sanskrit Parishad INitrika (ncpal) — 25.
.Sarasvati~44, 49.

Sarnath— 22, 67.

.Sarvavarman— 77.

.Sastri, Ganapati— 89n.
vSatabahana “67.

Satdhara (Inscription) —135.
Satiingal-2I.

Saiiryadcva— 160. 162.

Schoir, H. Willfred -18n.

Schmidt, J. J.— 126.

Sch ram , Prof — 1 22n .

Scylho- Parthian— 1 1 1 .

.Seven Gandakis— 17.

.Sevenkosis— 17.

Seth-38.

Sewell-97. 124, 125n, 128, 129.
Shahs— 40.

Shanii-raksita— 181.

Shapam— 36.

Sherpa— 45.

ShinKuni--126.

INDEX

213

Shivabridhivannaii— 77, 79.

Shrcstha— 20.

Shri patty— 77.

Siam— 51.

Siddhapokliari -.50.

Siddliivarman -77.

Si-KouO'hinp[*Uhonam - 1 7.5.

Silamanjiisri- 12(>, 181.

Siniraongarh— 1 1 7, 112.

Sircar, D.C.-l«0n.

Sirr<ir Rule— 101.

Siva-17, 49, .50. OS. 118, 119, 110.
.Sivadrva -21, 78. 79, 80n. 84, 89, O.S,
07, 98, 90. 100, 101, 112, 113. Ill,
110, 130. 132. 135. 136. 137, 139. 154,
1.5.5. 1.59, 102, 163, 164. ir>t>.

Siva-deva I-77u, 79. 82. 89. 92. 93, 94,
99, 100, 101, 113, 11.5, 121. 1.32, 13.5,
1.36, 137. 139. 111. 142, 187. 188.
Sivadeva 11-82, 100, l<i2, 103. 161, 16.5.
167, 173.

Si\ad(:va \’arjnan or Si\ade\a \'anna--
78.

S i V a d 1 ) a n n a S a s i r a — 8 2 .

.Sivamaif^— 33. 70.

Sivasinha— 196.

Siyaki-124.

Skanda<lcva -1 59n, 1 62.

Smith, E. H. -62.

.Smith, V.-30. 67ii. 122n. 125n, 120n,
140n, 169. 173.

.Somadeva— .56.

.Somavansis— 66.

Soiiagothi (gram)— 164.

Sonagothi (Stone In^iriipiion) — 128.
Soong (Emperor) 53, «

Soory a— .50.

S(X)ryavaiisis— 66, 77.

SoiinaA\’ar— 24n. *

South-Jiulia-23. 25. 102. 111.
Sravasli-202, 203.

Sridhara gupla— 119. 155.

.Sri janga— 18.

Srong-htsan-gainpo - 156.
.Srong-fsang-Cianipo— 125, 156.
Stcin-lOO, lOln.

Sthiimko— 63.

SuharnakuTnar— 37.

Snlihasu— 90.

Sub- Himalayan— 10, 40. 67,.

Sultan Shamsiiddiii— 32.

Siimanas— 17.

Sninatitantra— 65. 68, 79, 85, 90, 94,
113. 117.

Sundhara (inscription) -12H, 130, 133.
Sunga— 6.3n, 67.

Supuspa— 166.

.Sunkosi— 60. 61.

Surasena— 133, 162.

Sux^^avansis— 65, 77, 200.

Swami Dayananda— 108.

♦

Swayambhu— 44. 45, 58.

Swayanibhunath 13, 45, 50.

Swayaml>hu rurana~55. 58. 120.

'I'aligo) IO.S— 126.

1 abuta— 18.
rakhl-i-Bahi -*11 !n.

'! 11101118—40, 48.
lama Ko.si--61n

r’ang— 14. 86, 120. 130, 135, 114, 150,
161, 115, 15S. 162, 164, 175. 176,
179.

r.inga annals— 19. 98. 121, 128. 131,
154, 156, 157, 158. 159, 175, 185. 192,
194.

Tara-34n. 3.5, 49. 51, 156. 157.
Faranath— 148n.

Tanlihawa— 61 .

Tchc-yuan— 53.

rchic-Tsoung I.oiingfsan - 125n.
Tching-Koan— 177.
rcboiig— 52.

Tcbahal— 45.

Fegwal Narayan— 21^
rVnfan (libet) 176. t
Terai-ll, 19. 22, 61, 107, 118*.H2,
143, 167, 168, 179.

Thai- 1 sung (Emperor) —156.
'Ihakiiri~-40. 74, 77, 78, 85, 86. 87. 88.

» 94 121, 134. 136n, 137, 158. 142, 148.

1.50, 151, 152, 162, 163. 166.
Thambugangiilamula- 21 .

Thang (’.hu— 1.56.

’Ihankot-20, 59. 121. 13.5, 137, 148,
150. 188.

Thorns— 24, 179.

Fhet ho— 45.

Thulung— 62.

'lhunko-108, 109. 111.
ribet-l2. 32, 3.5, 39. 40. 48, 51, 52.
87. 125, 126, 127. 144, 1.50. 151, 157,
l.58n, 160, 166. 167, 168. 169, 171, 176,
177, 179, 180, 181, 182, 185, 194.
l ibeto-Burman— 1 1. .38.

Tibeto— Nepalese— 144, 167, 194.
Ti-che (Emperor) -52.

Tienshan— 182.

Tilaura— 42.
r irhiit— 158.

ToH-36.

Traitas ’Fanda— 13.

Tripaihi, Dr. R. C.-123n, 136.

'Fripilaka— 201 .

T’sa-ti-li- 134.

1 iitci-88n.

Tunuskunda--07n.

Tiinisa— 123.
l’urfan-182n.

214

INDEX

i:(lai™20.

I’flasin— 57.

l?dayadeva~7H, «7, 88, 89. 90, 91. 95,
98, 112, 154, 150, 151, 154, 157, 106.
I ^ clayavarman— 1 26.

Uciiimbara— 56.
lJpanisada-~6(), 61.

L' rasa— 19.

Tsinara ~61.

Vabisha— 90.

Vaidya, C. V.-92. 158n.

Vairochana— 45.

Vaishali-14, 26, 28. 29, 30, 31, 67. 71.

72, 83, 122, 124. 129, 201.
Vaisravana— 117.

Vaisya Rajput-122, 123, 1.38.

Vajra dhatumandala— 45.

Vajrayana— 44, 133.

Vamana— 50.

Vaman Visnu— 50.

Vansittart— 18. '

Varadeya— 162, 160.

Varahitmi hira — 56.

Varshvarma— 77.

Varasinha—118.

Vartaputra Gimachandta~153.

Vartta Bhogachanclra— 153.
Va.santadeva— 72, 73, 77n, 80, 83, 84, 86,
88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 98. 112, 113, 114,
117, 118, 166. 200.

Vasantdevo Vanna— 78.

Vassal— 72. «

Vasuraja— 113.

\'aisadevi— 166.

A’at.saka— 1 17.

V^atsanka— 91.

Va^n Purana~61n.

Vedic-17, 182.

Vibhuvarman— 1 .32, 1 35 .

Videha-17. 25, 26, 29, 61, 62.
Vijayadeva— 165.

Vijaya Swamini— 119.

Vikraniaditya— 121, 122, 123, 126, 127n.
V’ikramanka— 69.

Vikianisena-84, 100, 133. 154, 162.
Vikranisila— 181.

X’iuduswami— 153.

Vipaswi Buddha— 59.

\"ipravarmagomi— 1.53.

Virochanagiiptn— 1 14.

Visnu-27, 36. 49, .50. 109, 110, 118,
119, 148, 193.

X’isnudeva Varinan— 78, 94.
Visnugupta-.56, 89, 117, 128, 129, 130,
147, 148, 149, 151, 1.52, 155, 158, 164.
\’isnumati— 20.

Vi.swa Buddha— 59.

Viswadcva Varman-78, 94.

Vratya.s— 26, 27.

Vrijjis-16, 26, 28. 29.

Vrsadeva-67, 69, 72, 76, 83, 84, 86, 87,
89, 90, 93, 98. 104, 112, 166.

V’rsala Ksatriya--27.

Vrsa varma - 1 .5.3.

VVaddel. Mr.— 24n. 45. 127n.

Waladay (Seal) -138.

Walsh-67n, 91, 140n, 148n, 149, 173.
185n.

VVcller-.56. ,

Wang-Fragment I\'— 17511.

Wang Huen T’se-158, 175, 178, 185.
Watters— 25n, 124, W4n, 176.

Wen— I'cheng— 126n.

Wright-.55n, 57n, .59n, 63, 64, 77, 123n,
1.31n, 137.

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